Okay, I know most people aren't going to read this because it's long (though you should!), so let me go over the main points quickly. 1/n
It's a critique of Flaxman et al.'s paper, which is constantly cited as proof that lockdowns are the only interventions that really works. It's already been cited almost 450 times even though it was only published in June. 2/n nature.com/articles/s4158…
It found that only lockdowns really had a meaningful effect on transmission in Europe during the first wave. Here is a chart that show the results in a few countries that were included in the study. 3/n
As you can see, they find that lockdowns massively and suddenly cut transmission, while other interventions had almost no effect. However, the fact that R has this shape (a stepwise function) is baked into the model, so it was bound to find something like that. 4/n
When they compare their model to a counterfactual in which there were no interventions, they find that interventions saved more than 3 million people, and since only lockdowns had a meaningful effect, this was mostly thanks to lockdowns. 5/n
So it sounds like lockdowns are pretty damn awesome! However, as I explain in the post, something is weird about the results. Could it be that lockdowns aren't *that* awesome after all? 🤔 6/n
What's weird about the results is that, while they find that only lockdowns have any effect on transmission, the results look pretty similar in Sweden than in the rest of Europe. Yet there was no lockdown in Sweden! So how is that possible? 7/n
When I noticed that, my bullshit detector went on full alert mode. Something had to be wrong, but there was no explanation in the paper. So I downloaded the code reproduced the results and decided to take a closer look at them 🧐 8/n
I won't go into the nasty details here, read the post, but they included a country-specific effect in the model. It's supposed to model the fact that even the same interventions aren't going to have exactly the same effect in different countries for idiosyncratic reasons. 9/n
For instance, perhaps Germans are more rule-abiding, so the lockdown was somewhat more effective over there. Or maybe broadband in Spain sucks, so remote work was more difficult, which reduced the effectiveness of the lockdown. That sort of things. 10/n
The only way I could make sense of the results, i. e. only lockdowns work but Sweden somehow reduced transmission about as much as other countries despite not having a lockdown, was that this country-specific effect was huge for Sweden. 11/n
So I ran the code and plotted the country-specific effects and, surprise, surprise, my hypothesis was exactly right. The country-specific in Sweden is *gigantic*. So much so that the probability of an effect that large was only 1 in 4,000 according to their prior... 12/n
Now, unless you believe there are magical fairies in Sweden that made banning public events over there several orders of magnitude more effective than anywhere else, this means that something is wrong with the model. 13/n
Another obvious problem when you plot the effects is how insanely wide the credible intervals are. Obviously there is something wrong with the model, so you can't trust any of the conclusions of this paper! 14/n
But amazingly none of that made it into the paper! They do all sorts of bullshit robustness analyses in the supplementary material, but nowhere in the paper or the supplementary material do they mention this small detail about the country-specific effect in Sweden 🤔 15/n
But this small detail totally undermines the conclusion of their paper, which is probably why they swept it under the rug, because otherwise I doubt their paper would have been published in Nature. Ladies and gentlemen, I present to you, Science! 16/n
While I do not doubt that lockdowns reduced transmission, it's obvious that less stringent interventions were enough to push R below 1. You literally just have to eyeball a chart that shows the deaths curve in Sweden, where there was no lockdown, to see that! 17/n
What Flaxman et al. did is just use sophisticated methods to reach a conclusion that was obviously false. But since they used all sorts of scary-looking mathematical formulas, people forget about the assumptions and just assume that the conclusion must be right. Science! 18/n
To estimate that lockdowns saved more than 3 millions people, Flaxman et al. assumed that, without interventions, nothing would have happened. People's behavior wouldn't even have changed, so only immunity in the population would eventually have stopped the epidemic. 19/n
This is obviously totally unrealistic, but it also doesn't tell us how many people would have died if there had been interventions but no lockdown, which is arguably a more interesting question. 20/n
However, you'll have to wait a little for me to answer this question, because we're having drinks over Zoom with my friends and they're waiting for me. I'll be back when we're done! 21/n
Okay, I'm even drunker than when I wrote the first part of this thread, but I'm back. By the way, we didn't actually use Zoom, we used Jitsi. But I have to a reputation as a sellout to China to uphold, so I pretended that we were using Zoom. 22/n
Anyway, like I said above, Flaxman et al.'s counterfactual is not very interesting, because nobody has ever argued that we shouldn't do *anything* to contain the epidemic. 23/n
The question is whether* lockdowns* were really necessary to prevent millions of deaths or could less stringent interventions, while resulting in more deaths, have done so too. As I noted, we already know it's the latter, because Sweden proved that. 24/n
Now, even though this is clearly true, it doesn't imply that lockdowns weren't the best option from a cost-benefit perspective. It also doesn't imply that lockdowns weren't the best option given the information we had in March. 25/n
Those are different questions, which I do not address in my post. For what it's worth, with the benefit of hindsight I think lockdowns clearly weren't the best option from a cost-benefit perspective, but I'm not sure about the other question. 26/n
The question I want to ask here is, if we take Flaxman et al.'s results at face value (which I argued you shouldn't), how many lives were saved by lockdowns? As I already noted, we can't answer this question with their counterfactual. So I used a different counterfactual. 27/n
In this counterfactual, instead of doing nothing to contain the epidemic, every country is adopting the same policy as Sweden and I'm assuming it has the same effect on transmission as it had in Sweden according to Flaxman et al.'s model. 28/n
Here is a table that shows how many lives were saved if you compare what actually happened to what would have happened in this alternative counterfactual. I call it "from 3.1 million lives saved to 200,000 real fast" 😏 29/n
In the blog post, I use another version of the model that is estimated on each country separately to do the same thing (instead of the partial pooling + country fixed effect they used in the paper), and the difference is even more striking. 30/n
But it doesn't really matter, I don't think you should take those estimates very seriously either since they're still based on Flaxman et al.'s obviously misspecified model, and the little trick I used doesn't really provide us with a good counterfactual either. 31/n
The point is that, while Flaxman et al. conclude that only complete lockdowns have a meaningful effect on transmission, it's clear when you use *their own estimate* of how much Sweden's no-lockdown policy that less stringent interventions were enough to do most of the work. 32/n
There is more to say about this, and that's why you should read the whole blog post, but like I said I'm a bit drunk at the moment and I think this thread covers the most important points I wanted to make. Please read the post if you're interested in the details. 33/33
P. S. By the way, the figure for Sweden is wrong in the table I use in the post about this, though it shouldn't affect the other countries. I'll post the corrected version later, but I need to run the algorithm again and it takes forever on my laptop.

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More from @phl43

5 Dec
The reception of this post has been very positive, thanks a lot to everyone for your kind words and for sharing it, but I also got some of the same criticisms I get every time I publish something, so I wanted to address them quickly. 1/n
So one complaint I get almost every time is that, if I think I'm right, then I should try to get my work published in a peer reviewed journal. The suggestion is often that, if I don't, it's because I'm afraid it wouldn't stand up to scrutiny. 2/n
There are many reasons why I generally don't want to submit my work to peer reviewed journals, some of which I discuss below, but let me start by saying that my fear of the towering intellects who run Nature and saw no problems with Flaxman et al.'s paper is not one of them. 3/n
Read 23 tweets
1 Dec
Unfortunately, this piece will only strengthen the myth that China engaged in massive and systematic fudging of COVID-19 data, when if you read it carefully it shows no such thing and doesn't tell us anything important that we didn't already know. 1/n
In particular, when the tweet says that China underreported COVID-19 numbers, what the article shows is just that, as there weren't enough tests, the authorities at times only reported cases that had been laboratory-confirmed by PCR but not cases identified by symptoms. 2/n
This is not new, I already discussed this at length in my essay back in September. We have known for *months* that the definition of a case used by the authorities changed several times, which affected the numbers. 3/n quillette.com/2020/09/06/the…
Read 14 tweets
18 Nov
Wow, I hadn't actually read the Nature paper that allegedly showed that lockdowns had saved more than 3 million lives in Europe last Spring, but now that I have I'm utterly shocked this worthless piece of garbage was published. nature.com/articles/s4158…
Also, something didn't make sense about the results and the only explanation I could think of implied that the conclusion people drew from that study was totally unwarranted, but it was impossible to tell from their description of the results whether my hypothesis was correct.
So I downloaded the code and ran the analysis myself so I could take a closer look at the results and, surprise, it confirmed that my hypothesis was right, which presumably is why they neglected to describe this particular result in the paper or the supplementary materials...
Read 4 tweets
17 Nov
Je suis contre le confinement, mais la baisse du nombre de morts en Suède est un artefact du délai d'enregistrement des morts. Compte tenu de l'évolution du nombre de cas, ça va inévitablement augmenter rapidement dans les jours qui viennent, il n'y a pas de magie. 1/n
D'ailleurs, quand on fait un simple ajustement pour tenir compte du délai dans l'enregistrement des morts, on voit très clairement qu'en réalité ça augmente rapidement. Encore une fois, je suis contre le confinement, mais il ne faut pas se raconter d'histoire. 2/n
De la même façon, le nombre de morts par million peut sembler faible, mais c'est le nombre par jour. En France, si on prend le nombre de morts cumulés sur l'année, ça va représenter au moins 10% de la mortalité normale à la fin de l'année. Ce n'est quand même pas rien. 3/n
Read 5 tweets
16 Nov
The curve shows the daily number of cases, the dashed green line shows the start of the curfew in Paris and 8 other cities, the dashed purple line the extension of that curfew to 54 departments and the orange dashed line the start of the lockdown. Image
It's pretty clear that incidence started to fall before the lockdown was implemented, so while it may have accelerated the process, it would most likely have happened without it. It's even clearer when you look at what happened in Paris. The curfew may have played a role though. Image
The curfew made it illegal to leave your home between 9pm and 6am, but if it was responsible for the fall in incidence (which in my opinion it likely was at least to some extent), it's probably because bars and restaurants were closed, not because people couldn't go out per se.
Read 4 tweets
15 Nov
This study relied on a crude approximation because we only have data on deaths by age buckets and it used life expectancy conditional on age without taking into account comorbidities or race. I would be amazed if the actual figure were more than half of this estimate. Image
And yes, I know that he shared another study for the UK that claims to take into account comorbidities and found an even higher estimate, but have you actually checked this paper? The authors lack data about so many things that they have to make wild guesses all over the place.
Even if we had individual data on age, race, sex and comorbidities, I think it would be problematic to use this methodology, because if you ask me the fact that someone died of COVID-19 indicates that his life expectancy was lower than people with the same age, comorbities, etc.
Read 7 tweets

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