I'm still seeing a lot of concern about the Texas Supreme Court filing, which is understandable. From a certain angle, it looks imposing.
So here, in sum, is why there's no need for alarm (thread):
1) The case asks the Supreme Court to exercise "original jurisdiction," skipping lower courts. The Court rarely does this. The Court *can* exercise this jurisdiction in state v. state disputes, but doesn't have to.
It takes 5 justices to hear this case, rather than the usual 4.
2) Usually original jurisdiction applies to state v. state disputes over borders, etc. - for example when NJ and NY sued over control of Ellis Island (Jersey!).
The TX case is something else entirely and could have been heard in lower courts (many have rejected similar claims).
3) The heart of Texas's claim is that it objects to election procedures used in four other states. This is unconstitutional and would lead to utter insanity.
First, The Constitution specifically gives each state the right to run its elections as it sees fit. Done and done.
4) And to allow one state to sue over another state's processes would lead to absurd results. Any state could sue any other state over the election. NJ could sue Alabama, Alaska, Idaho. Arkansas could sue MA, NY, and CA. It would never end.
The Court won't countenance that.
5) Texas does not base its claim on voter fraud, nor does it offer any viable proof. Its attention-grabbing "one in a quadrillion" statistical "analysis" assumes votes don't change from one election to another (Why even hold elections then? Just declare the last guy the winner).
6) The statistical junk also assumes there's no such thing as different areas, different neighborhoods, tending to vote more one way or the other politically. And it ignores the inarguable fact that Dems voted by mail far more than GOP voters.
7) Yes, 17 state AGs (all GOP) have signed onto the case. Here are some folks who have not: (1) many other Republican AGs, (2) the Solicitor General of TX itself, who often appears in the Supreme Court and has to maintain dignity and credibility, (3) the US Department of Justice.
8) It's too late, in several respects. Texas easily could have filed this challenge well *before* the election. Yet it waited until not only after the election but after all states had certified the results. The Court can reject on this basis alone.
(9) We are now past the Safe Harbor date (Dec. 8). So state certifications of election results are presumptively legally valid and binding on Congress.
10) If the Court took the case now and overturned results, it would disenfranchise millions of votes and throw the political process into mayhem. Dem states would fire back with similar suits. The Court is famously (and rightly) reluctant to get involved in political matters.
11) For example, earlier this week, the Supreme Court flatly rejected a different case seeking to overturn the election results in PA with a one-line rejection that noted zero dissents -- not from any of the conservatives, including the three justices appointed by Trump himself.
12) So yes, there's a lot of chest-pounding in certain quarters about how this is the big one. I get why it looks scary.
But don't fear. The Court won't take this case and even if they do, they'll reject it on the merits. (END)
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1) The Supreme Court in 2019 already rejected the Trump administration's effort to add a question to the census about a person's citizenship. The ruling was ultimately by a 5-4 vote, with all sorts of cross-ideological alliances (and disputes) on various parts of the ruling.
2) The census entails two steps: the Secretary of Commerce reports the numbers to the President, who then reports the numbers to Congress.
The census results are vital. They determine the number of Reps for each state, and apportionment of billions in federal funding.
Alright @sarahcpr -- a lot of people definitely feel your distress here. Some things to know:
1- While the Constitution gives state legislatures power on how to choose electors, every state has had a law since the 1800s requiring that electors be appointed based on popular vote.
2- State legislatures theoretically could change those laws, but not now, not retroactively for 2020 election. If they want to change the laws now for 2024, go for it (they'd need both state houses and governor's signature), and pay the consequences in their own next elections.
3- Even if this insane idea gains momentum, GOP legislators and those close to them already have said they won't go along with it in at least MI and PA
This is an outrageous abuse of power by William Barr, and a dangerous extension of his ongoing effort to distort truth and DOJ policy to save Trump's hide.
1) Barr has been trying to prop up President Trump's "massive fraud" narrative for months now, utterly without success, embarrassing himself and DOJ.
Shortly after Trump started raging about mail-in ballots, Barr started echoing the rhetoric right back.
2) Barr claimed to NPR in June there are “so many occasions for fraud there that cannot be policed. I think it would be very bad.” He also raised “the possibility of counterfeiting.” When pressed on whether he had evidence to support this claim, he responded, “No, it’s obvious.”
1) The Supreme Court doesn’t “step in” and do anything. They only consider actual legal disputes that go through proper procedural channels to reach them, and then only if they choose to grant certiorari (review).
2) Nor can any party simply “take a case” to the Supreme Court. Again: you need standing, a justiciable claim, proper procedure through lower federal courts or state Supreme Court and, preferably, legal support and evidence. Even then it’s up to the Court if they take the case.
3) The President has this childlike view that the Supreme Court can point at him and declare him the winner. That’s not how it works. They didn’t even do that in Bush v. Gore. They ruled on a specific procedure in a crazy-close race. Right or wrong, it was a legit legal dispute.
11 days before the 2016 election, James Comey sent a letter to Congress about the re-opening of the Hillary Clinton email investigation. (1/4)
The nonpartisan DOJ Inspector General later found that Comey committed a "serious error of judgment" that violated "longstanding Department practice." Indeed, Comey broke DOJ's written rules and its unwritten but widely observed norms (2/4)
There’s no way to know for sure, but the analytics whizzes at @FiveThirtyEight concluded that Comey’s announcement “probably cost Clinton the election.” (3/4)
Truly hope none of this comes to pass, but here's the legal and Constitutional machinery that could activate if necessary.
Thread:
1) Under the 25th Amendment, the President can voluntary and temporarily transfer power to the VP if the president is or will be "unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office." This has happened several times, recently when GW Bush underwent routine medical procedures.
2) The 25th Amendment also enables the VP, joined by a majority of Cabinet officers (some uncertainty about exactly who qualifies), to certify in writing to Congress that the President is "unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office." If so, VP takes over, but: