Very large numbers of international treaties require the UK to make, or not make, law. The UN Treaty requires us to impose sanctions. The Antarctic Treaty requires us to prohibit unlicensed operators organising tours to Antarctica. GATT restricts our ability to set tariffs.
@SBarrettBar appears to think that such provisions do not infringe his definition of “sovereignty”, but he fails to explain why not.
He asserts, without explaining why, that a level playing field term would infringe “sovereignty”. But the LPF terms being discussed simply set out actions that the EU is able to take if the UK legislates (or does not legislate) in certain ways.
Why is that different in legal principle from WTO rules that (for example) allow other states to impose high tariffs on our widget industry if we exercise our sovereign freedom to pass laws that exempt widget-making from UK tax?
Ultimately, the error here is to see “sovereignty” as something you either have or don’t have: a binary. But it isn’t, unless your definition is one that leaves only North Korea as a “sovereign” state.
It’s a very English peculiarity - possibly dating back to Hobbes, certainly to Dicey - to think about sovereignty in that peculiar reductionist, binary, way.
In the US, for example, States are often talked of as “sovereign” though their sovereignty is limited by the Constitution (which as from 1865 it has been clear they cannot leave): and even where they are sovereign their conduct is often affected by eg conditional federal grants.
In any event, if those invoking “sovereignty” want to wave it around as the basis for taking highly consequential political decisions, they need to do rather better at explaining what they’re talking about, and why things they dislike infringe it and things they like don’t.
NB there is a useful sense in which the EU Treaties affect sovereignty in the way that eg GATT doesn’t: the EU Treaties require Member States to accept as law - and to require their courts to apply - rules made collectively by the EU. Direct effect.
Note that in that sense the Withdrawal Agreement infringes UK sovereignty, since eg the NI Protocol and citizens rights provisions have direct effect and allow EU rules to have direct effect.
Parliament can always legislate to the contrary - and stop that happening in domestic law - but then it always could have done that while the UK was in the EU.
But as far as I can see nothing in the EU’s proposals for an FTA require direct effect. In Stephen’s language, no elephant (if that’s how he defines it).
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The first concealed rational answer is that, in a negotiation, you may want to try to force your counterparty to offer better terms by saying that you will walk if you don’t get them.
And you may say that even if, faced with the choice between currently offered terms and walking away, you’d be mad to walk away.
It doesn’t use the useless word “abusive”. But my point that “the EU in the Joint Committee” doesn’t decide what Article 10 means stands: that is for the Court of Justice, as provided for by Article 12.
As to reference to “hypothetical, presumed, or without a genuine and direct link”: it adds nothing. (Would any court ever hold that a hypothetical, presumed, or non-genuine effect was enough?).
On subsidy control, it’s critical to remember that the EU has accepted that the UK can apply its own subsidy regime not “EU State aid rules”. Since the Tories promised such a regime during the GE, that should be acceptable.
This is a soluble problem. A clause or side letter could record that the EU has no objection to the UK granting aid to compensate businesses for Covid losses or to restart the economy.
The devil is in the detail. But ultimately the UK choice is whether (a) to accept a deal the benefits of which cld be withdrawn if the EU (after arbitration) later decides that divergence has in fact become too great for those benefits to be in its interests any more; or
(b) to refuse a deal, and those benefits, now (and before we have decided what if any divergence we actually want.
It’s a bit like someone who balks at renting a nice house they rather like because there’s a term in the lease that gives the landlord a right reasonably to refuse them having pets, even if they have no pets and aren’t sure whether they ever will.
Note, however, that as explained here, politico.eu/article/uk-scr…, it was not at all clear in WTO law that the UK could take advantage of the WTO ruling authorising the EU to impose those tariffs.
Nor is it clear that there is domestic law power to impose such tariffs: legislation would have been got through by the end of the year.
That is because Article 12 of the Protocol says this.
The 1st sentence of para 4 tells you, for present purposes, that the Commission has all the powers over the UK in relation to Article 10 as it has over Member States under Articles 107-108 TFEU. Powers to find that aid has been granted under Article 10 and to order repayment.