About 100 years ago, Attorneys General frequently appeared in big criminal trials - and was obliged to prosecute all poisoning cases personally. He (always he, of course) would also represent the government in important civil cases.
The Attorney now has too many responsibilities to spend most of each week in the Old Bailey or Royal Courts of Justice. But should he or she just leave it to the public law bar (and the Treasury Devils in particular)?
My view is that the best argument for the AG to lead in some cases is not so much to mark the importance of particular cases to the government but to keep their hand in as practising advocates.
One of the reasons why clients go to barristers for advice in tricky cases is not that they know the law any better than non-advocate solicitors or legal academics, but because they have frequent encounters with judges and get a feel for how judges are likely to react to things.
In many cases, your advice is along the lines of “yes, I see that: but it won’t wash with Cocklecarrot J on a wet Wednesday afternoon”
It is easier to give such advice (it is likely to be more informed and credible with your clients) if you do at least sometimes have to argue tricky points of law in front of Cocklecarrot J on a wet Wednesday afternoon.
But if you are going to do that, you need to do it properly rather than as a cameo. You have to get yourself fully briefed and in top of all the facts and law.
That was the approach of Lord Goldsmith as AG under Blair: he did a scattering of short cases (1-2 days legal argument) that were important but not critical and which interested him.
Disclosure: he led me on two such cases (although in one he couldn’t do it at the last minute). In both cases he fully prepared, had thorough conferences with his juniors - I remember one at 7am. He was completely on top of it - and did it excellently.
The problem of course is that in order to perform brilliantly in that sort of case (and if you’re going to be second rate you shouldn’t do it) you need to have had many years of real experience at the Bar.
FWIW as an observer from outside, my own view is that Blair was right (as Joshua points out) to appoint a “mixed team” as Law Officers: either the Attorney or the Solicitor General were eminent QCs with real advocacy experience (put in the Lords) and the other was a lawyer MP.
That meant that the team as a whole combined the political nous of a serving MP with the heft of an experienced lawyer used to presenting hard legal arguments in court. The best of both worlds.
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Brit Farm is an organic family farm. Family members hold all the shares in Brit Farm Ltd (BFL) which holds the farm as a secure tenancy from EuroCollective Ltd (EC). EC is jointly owned by a collective of 28 organic farms, all of which are tenants with EC as the freeholder.
Like all the farms, BFL has the right to buy the freehold and leave the EC collective.
Very large numbers of international treaties require the UK to make, or not make, law. The UN Treaty requires us to impose sanctions. The Antarctic Treaty requires us to prohibit unlicensed operators organising tours to Antarctica. GATT restricts our ability to set tariffs.
@SBarrettBar appears to think that such provisions do not infringe his definition of “sovereignty”, but he fails to explain why not.
The first concealed rational answer is that, in a negotiation, you may want to try to force your counterparty to offer better terms by saying that you will walk if you don’t get them.
And you may say that even if, faced with the choice between currently offered terms and walking away, you’d be mad to walk away.
It doesn’t use the useless word “abusive”. But my point that “the EU in the Joint Committee” doesn’t decide what Article 10 means stands: that is for the Court of Justice, as provided for by Article 12.
As to reference to “hypothetical, presumed, or without a genuine and direct link”: it adds nothing. (Would any court ever hold that a hypothetical, presumed, or non-genuine effect was enough?).
On subsidy control, it’s critical to remember that the EU has accepted that the UK can apply its own subsidy regime not “EU State aid rules”. Since the Tories promised such a regime during the GE, that should be acceptable.
This is a soluble problem. A clause or side letter could record that the EU has no objection to the UK granting aid to compensate businesses for Covid losses or to restart the economy.
The devil is in the detail. But ultimately the UK choice is whether (a) to accept a deal the benefits of which cld be withdrawn if the EU (after arbitration) later decides that divergence has in fact become too great for those benefits to be in its interests any more; or
(b) to refuse a deal, and those benefits, now (and before we have decided what if any divergence we actually want.
It’s a bit like someone who balks at renting a nice house they rather like because there’s a term in the lease that gives the landlord a right reasonably to refuse them having pets, even if they have no pets and aren’t sure whether they ever will.