@LambeJerry Question for you: On Monday, Congress announces it's going to vote to impeach a federal judge on Wednesday. The president of the United States decides to issue a preemptive pardon of the judge on Tuesday. According to you, there's no problem, right, as there was no impeachment?
@LambeJerry My thinking on this is identical to that of a law professor at Northwestern University who published his opinion in the NYT. But that wasn't mentioned in your piece. It's also odd that you believe the impeachment exception has nothing *really* to do with separation of powers.
@LambeJerry You couldn't possibly think the impeachment exception has anything to do with separation of powers, as according to you and the small number of attorneys you cited, the impeachment exception isn't *actually* about keeping the president from interfering in the impeachment process.
@LambeJerry Per you, the impeachment exception to the Pardon Clause of the United States Constitution is just a *narrow administrative cutout* to make sure that a President doesn't cause the Congress to have...what, have wasted their time? I'd love to see an argument for that interpretation.
@LambeJerry I've read the documents surrounding the creation of both the Pardon Clause and the impeachment exception. The framers were explicitly concerned about the sort of situation we have encountered now—which is entirely unlike the situation in Garland. Your legal analysis is facile.
@LambeJerry You had an opportunity to present your story as a disagreement of law between attorneys. Instead, it became a tsunami of envy/bitterness with nothing to do with the law and everything to do with Twitter and false claims about people's motivations. You also flattened my argument.
@LambeJerry My thread offered six different approaches to think about thinking about the situation and explicitly said that Supreme Court litigators would have to take up the conversation. You didn't address the ongoing crime issue, the justiciability issue, or any of the others I mentioned.
@LambeJerry I have read all of the attorneys you cited, and none has explained how impeachment could be the remedy for a pardon that is an abuse of power and issued so late in a presidential term that impeachment *cannot be used as a remedy*. Every one of them ignores that issue completely.
@LambeJerry Your article also doesn't address how a pardon would remain operative if it were part of a bribery scheme that continued beyond the issuance of the pardon—thus placing the actus reus outside the scope of the pardon. I made that argument very clearly. Why wasn't it in the article?
@LambeJerry Don't think that you've done anything here but attempt to write a hitpiece about an attorney you feel is getting too much attention. And the fact is, I agree that Twitter accounts having an outsized impact can be problematic. But I was writing what I wrote in good faith here.
@LambeJerry If your focus was not on my identity and the size of my Twitter following but on the substance of my argument, it's a mystery to me why your piece covered only the narrowest part of my argument and didn't mention other attorneys who take my same view of the impeachment exception.
@LambeJerry Ask yourself why you and Jan didn't simply say "I disagree with this analysis"—and lay out exactly how you'd refute each of my 6 briefable (which is not to say impenetrable) arguments. But I think we understand why. This is about Twitter culture for you—not about a legal dispute.
@LambeJerry I've watched for years as this president has trampled every norm in this country—and after each one, people like you told us nothing could be done and that our system permits this. I'm *so terribly sorry* to you and Jan that I refuse to accept that we have to let democracy die.
@LambeJerry If you believed we're in a national emergency the way that I do, you wouldn't have written a snarky hitpiece aimed at a Twitter personality. You would've written a comprehensive analysis of every possible novel argument for contesting a pardon that is part of a criminal scheme.
@LambeJerry Instead, faced with a fact pattern no attorney in America has seen in 225 years, you blithely summarized 4 attorneys telling us within 24 hours that they've spent *no* time thinking about novel responses to the situation because the *usual responses are just fine*.
Jesus Christ.
@LambeJerry Here's what a journalist might have done: ask those attorneys how *they* would contest these pardons, if not by the means I laid out. And if they tell you *no means on Earth can be found*, ask them why it only took them 24 hours to respond to a historic situation with this reply.
@LambeJerry In my legal career I regularly faced bizarre fact-patterns with 1/1000th the imminent consequences that this situation has. It would've been *unthinkable* to me to start tweeting out within 2 hours of the pardons that nothing could be done. But to you it's something to celebrate.
@LambeJerry Maybe you think the pardons are dandy and therefore have little interest in any effort to contest them. If that's the case, you might consider I wrote 3 600-page books on the Trump-Russia and Trump-Ukraine cases that give me a better understanding of why the pardons are criminal.
@LambeJerry Given that one of the theories advanced by Brad Moss mirrors my own—that in certain situations an ongoing high crime could cause a pardon to be effectively inoperative—maybe the fact that I wrote three national bestsellers on that crime would be worth mentioning in your article?
@LambeJerry Indeed, it's remarkable that you quote Brad Moss *agreeing* with one of the six arguments that I made—but failed to note that agreement because you had decided to focus on just one of the six arguments as a means of embarrassing me rather than being generative or productive here.
@LambeJerry Trump is beating this country to a pulp because of thinking like yours. Because you encounter a novel threat to our rule of law and democracy and your first, devastatingly *small* inclination is to write a hitpiece focused on your own Twitter envy, not the health of the Republic.
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@jlambpco Respectfully—and I think you'll agree with me—you're wrong, as the purpose of the exception is to ensure Congress governs *all* impeachments, not just a POTUS's (so, cabinet members' and federal judges' impeachments also can't be impeded by the president). Here's why it matters:
@jlambpco What it means is that the exception isn't about a *narrow* case—a president impeding his own impeachment (in which case it's just a prohibition against self-pardon)—but about balance of power and checks and balances, a much broader governmental interest. And that matters because:
@jlambpco If what the Framers were *broadly* worried about was a POTUS using executive power to usurp Congress's exclusive role in the impeachment process, they *couldn't* have intended the Pardon Clause to permit tampering with witnesses in a pre-impeachment special counsel investigation.
The Pardon Clause prohibits using the pardon power to obstruct impeachments. Trump repeatedly opined—rightly—that Mueller's probe could lead to a referral for possible impeachment (which it did). The pardons he just gave are the ones he dangled to obstruct Mueller. See the issue?
Those who say the pardon power is unreviewable aren't just wrong, they *know* they're wrong. The Pardon Clause makes explicit that Congress has standing and a cause of action if the power is used to obstruct an impeachment. So the power is definitionally reviewable by the courts.
Moreover, if the grant of a pardon is itself a high crime or misdemeanor, it creates an irresolvable conflict between the Impeachment Clause and the Pardon Clause that only a federal court can resolve—making a pardon reviewable in that scenario too. That's the situation we're in.
Anyone telling you that we've seen pardons of this sort before—and therefore we can be sure of their legality under the Constitution—is blowing smoke. These pardons are a matter of first impression for our courts. My view and the view of many is that they should be ruled illegal.
A bad lawyer is one who tries to make precedent fit a novel situation to falsely portray the law as static. A good lawyer is one who distinguishes precedent from a novel situation when new facts present new dangers.
These pardons are a novel case, and good attorneys will say so.
I'd be telling folks what they want to hear if I were to write that these pardons will be vacated. I'm not saying that. I think the chances of that are very small. What I'm saying is strong arguments can and should be made to vacate these pardons—and that such arguments are just.
(THREAD) Putting the news below and the recent Dobbs-Flynn interview together, you get the following: at least one foreign intelligence service and at least one foreign cyberintelligence firm are trying to get manufactured election "evidence" to Trump. forbes.com/sites/jackbrew…
1/ Flynn is represented by Powell. Flynn just told Lou Dobbs that "we"—apparently, he and Powell—had just gotten "evidence" from "foreign nations and partners" who'd been "watching" our election for digital intereference. Such surveillance would require intelligence capabilities.
2/ Flynn indicated that his intention was to ensure that this "evidence" be given to Trump directly. Thereafter he went to the White House once and his lawyer Powell went three times. Once she was seen with an article about an alleged Iranian attack on the election under her arm.
(TRUE STORY) In the weeks before the 2020 election, ex-Overstock CEO Patrick Byrne was desperately trying to get to me through an intermediary to share info about the coming election he claimed was critical.
I ignored his overtures.
Donald Trump invited him to the Oval Office.
I had messages from Byrne's rep on every social media platform I'm reachable on. I decided that his public instability was such that I wanted nothing to do with him. Incredible to think that the President of the United States—the most powerful man alive—made a different decision.
Anyone else here watch comedian Marc Maron's live Instagram recordings on a semi-daily basis? I have complicated feelings, maybe because I "know" him now—of course not, but you know what I mean—largely through these, as I've only listened to maybe two episodes of his WTF podcast.
I just think he's an interesting figure—funny and smart as hell—and I also feel like the way he is processing grief and meeting his audience in the midst of their own (largely pandemic-enabled) grief is really fascinating in a way I hope one day someone writes about meaningfully.
I happen to be grieving a death myself, so I've been thinking about how grief sends us into an exploration of all our own extremes and subtleties. Maron presents as earnest, angry, arrogant, knowing, funny, obsessive, smart, impulsive, guarded. So many lovely self-contradictions.