1. They had all the money from the State. They got the power to fire MPs & councillors. They grabbed the HQ with state support. They even had ZANU PF treatment with ZUPCO ferrying delegates & venue at Rainbow Towers. Yet with all this power & money, they couldn’t form a quorum.
2. A quorum is the minimum number of people required for a valid meeting. The inquorate Congress requires another Congress to validate its decisions. But the mere fact that a political party is unable to summon enough people to form a quorum is a huge political embarrassment.
3. But even then, they could not manage the small numbers. 3 candidates walked out, citing rigging. As if it wasn’t farcical already, Khupe claimed to have suspended her competitor, Mwonzora in the middle of the Congress, which was marred by despicable violence aimed at her.
3. The judicially-reconstructed entity was a political error from the start. Khupe abandoned her party & was lured by the promise of power in a bigger entity. But the court does not command people. She must be the only one who didn’t see that she was a mere pawn in all this.
4. When Mwonzora & Komichi returned after abandoning her in 2018, it was not because they had suddenly developed new affection for her. No, they had seen a gap after losing at the MDC Alliance. Khupe naively embraced them as allies without realising they were only after her crown
5. Khupe became intoxicated with power, firing elected representatives & taking over their seats together with other unelectables. She didn’t care for the rights & interests of the affected. She approved as her SG Mwonzora wrote those letters. Now she’s reaping the grim harvest.
6. It always pours for Komichi. When he ran for VP at the MDC Alliance he got several votes. Now he gets a miserly 9 votes. He can’t field a football team even if he’s a player-coach. With a paltry 14, Mudzuri would have 3 subs. If these chaps still have ambitions they’re deluded
7. While they may claim irregularities, they have no hope of overturning the result given the gap. There will now be a flurry of litigation & perhaps another split but as one faction will soon discover it’s the one that the regime prefers that will prevail. It prefers the weakest
8. Expect some skeletons to come tumbling out of the cupboards. And there are quite a few skeletons in those cupboards; the regime keeps them for moments like this when they become handy. They will be repackaged and some may soon find themselves as unwilling guests of the state.
9. Unfortunately, because they relieved themselves in the village well, there will be no sympathy for them among members of the public. To avoid this circumstance they will have to fall at the feet of the regime, with a promise of obedient opposition.
10. Perhaps an early test of who has power (& the regime’s favourite) is when the emerging factions write to Parliament to expel an MP. If both Mwonzora & Khupe write letters, the Speaker/Senate President will be called to decide which one to accept. (I’m not planting any ideas!)
11. And so the circus enters a new chapter. Khupe & Komichi were fooled by the appearance of power after that order. Smarting from defeat at the MDC Alliance, Mwonzora saw an opening & he has wrestled the crown from Khupe who may decide it’s time go where she’s really liked.
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1. This thread might help you stay ahead of regime enablers who are working to silence democratic voices that are critical of the regime. Basically, understand it as a “war” and as the wise general Sun Tzu said, a key rule of war is that you must know your enemy and its ways.
2. ZANU PF enablers know that there are certain things that are excluded in the discourse which is controlled by social media companies. By “discourse” I refer to statements that are considered acceptable which implies there are statements that don’t qualify and are excluded.
3. If, therefore, you make statements that are outside the permissible social media discourse, you may be excluded. Either the social media algorithm will pick your “unacceptable” statements and mark you as excluded or the company will know if you are reported by another person.
1. The first time I went to a supermarket in the U.K. I asked a staff member where the parcel counter was located. The chap responded with a befuddled look and directed me to the Post Office. “We don’t do parcels here mate,” “try the Post Office,” he said busily but politely.
2. I quickly realised that we were at very different wavelengths but by then he had already disappeared into the aisles. He was a busy chap. I stood there for a moment, unsure of what to do. I had a satchel and a bag of goods from another shop.
3. There weren’t any security guards at the door. I was fortunate to see another staffer. She was older, slower and looked more relaxed. I asked her the same question. She was also confused by my inquiry. I quickly rescued her by explaining what I meant by a “parcel counter”.
1. The arrest of Henrietta Rushwaya for attempting to smuggle 6kgs gold at the airport is not surprising. A wind of criminality follows her like a bad smell. What is intriguing is how Zimbabwe has become a haven for foreigners of a criminal disposition. We have a reputation.
2. When she was nabbed red-handed, Rushwaya implicated one Ali Mohammed, a chap who owns an entity called Ali Japan786. She says she had instructions to deliver the smuggled gold to a chap in Dubai. Rushwaya is head of the Zimbabwe Miners’ Federation.
3. Just a few days ago, Rushwaya was with the Minister of Mines, Winston Chitando where big deals were announced. Also present at the ceremony was that Ali Mohammed of Ali Japan786, the chap who Rushwaya is implicating as her principal in the gold smuggling. The Herald covered it
1. Analysis of the ZACC investigative report into corruption at NatPharm. @ZACConline begins by citing its mandate under the Anti-Corruption Act. The proper starting point for ZACC should be s. 255 of the Constitution. Its mandate is constitutional and that must be made clear.
2. The report shows that the Deputy Minister Dr John Mangwiro exerted undue influence on the tender process and that he had a conflict of interest. The report itself does not specify Dr Mangwiro’s relationship with Young Health. There’s an annexure but the content should be clear
3. It’s key to show the beneficial ownership of Young Health in the report. The report should also show that the Constitution prohibits conflicts of interest regarding Ministers. This is in a. 106 of the Constitution. The Minister therefore potentially breached the Constitution.
1. I was reorganising my library when I came across this MDC booklet from the 2002 Presidential Election campaign. Party historians will probably find these details fascinating. I was struck by the professionalism evident in the collation & presentation of data.
2. One of the details in the booklet is a list of 103 people, mostly MDC supporters who were killed by the State and ZANU PF between 2000 & 2002. As I always say, names matter. I reproduce the list in this and the next tweet.
3. This completes the list of people who were killed by the State and ZANU PF between 2000 and 2002. Remember them. Their deaths must not be in vain. These are the known ones. There are others who were slain but were never reported.
1. For those who doubted the prognosis that the judicially-reconstructed MDC-T led by Khupe is a ZANU PF project purposefully designed to decimate the opposition in Zimbabwe. Having lost the mayoral race, they decided to make council dysfunctional so ZANU can appoint a Commission
2. Students of politics and governance have a case study of how a ruling party co-opted a few enablers and hiding under a facade of legality, systematically grabbed political space occupied by the main opposition and in the process tried to form a de facto one-party system.
3. ZANU PF wants to control Harare and other urban areas. They created a group of marionettes, gave them power and set about the destruction job. Never mind the Constitution which requires local authorities to be governed by elected councils, we might as well wave goodbye to it.