This thread is sorta fatally undermined by the telling omission of race as a factor in the formation of the conservative movement, but I think it's narrowly right in its implication that movement conservatism has presented itself in a series of disguises.
The problem for the argument is the disguises have served to cover the movement's elemental racism and authoritarianism. To that end, reformoconism, tea partyism, etc have been embraced as tools of deception, whereas Trumpism represents a more undisguised form of the movement.
If there's been an attempt to disguise anything the last four years, it’s been from intellectuals trying on one hand to pretty up Trumpism as a respectable form of nationalism, against others attempting to treat Trumpism as a weird, easily ignored hiccup.
But the GOP itself doesn’t seem to have much use for the lipstick! I guess we'll see, but I don't see Josh Hawley on one side of the divide or Ben Sasse on the other having much success against Trump himself or Don Jr. in a GOP primary.
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When you’ve predetermined to do nothing under any circumstances, you have limited rhetorical tools for explaining yourself to your horrified supporters, and now the old excuses—we don’t want anything we do to backfire in the election, etc—have expired.
If Ossoff wins, I’ll say: highlighting your opponent’s corruption is good. If he loses I’ll say: highlighting your opponent’s corruption is good even if it isn’t politically resonant enough for a Dem candidate to win a runoff election in Georgia that he also did not win on Nov 3.
My take is based less on the view that anti-corruption politics are effective (elections are weird and highly variable) than that corruption is bad and corrupt candidates should be held to account.
I do suspect anti-corruption politics are pretty effective in the scheme of things: corruption costs politicians popularity and elected office a lot; all challengers would rather run against corrupt opponents than squeaky clean ones.
Rules and norms (good and bad ones) don’t mean shit if they don’t apply generally. Republicans just spent four years cheerleading unhinged abuse of Democrats and their constituents by the president. They don’t deserve an apology, they deserve to be pilloried for their bad faith.
But once you’ve agreed in principle that Republicans deserve an apology for pretending that their feelings are hurt, they will keep pouring forth nonsense and demanding satisfaction. The cycle of abuse won’t end until you just say, “no way fuckers, fuck you."
I take a more cynical view. Many Republicans clearly *thought* they had entered the “sabotage Biden era” and were thus inclined to block all stimulus, but Mitch realized that they’d miscalculated and being in lockstep “no” mode now might cost them their majority.
Put another way: If those GA races had been decided outright one way or another on Nov. 3, and the question of Senate control were already answered, would McConnell have hopped off the sidelines after months of being an impediment to pass a relief bill? I think the answer is no.
So when McConnell says do it for Kelly and David, he’s speaking to his and his members’ own instinct for self-preservation. It’s convincing not because Republicans are evolving ideology, but because he has the better read on what outcome will maximize GOP power.
Worth thinking medium-term about how this is all set up.
1. It‘s already dogma on the right that Trump created a miracle vaccine in a lab, so Republicans will kick up a shitstorm if anyone credits Biden with any aspect of the public-health recovery.
2. McConnell seems willing to pass one more small stimulus, BUT ONLY WHILE TRUMP IS STILL PRESIDENT. Then he’ll turn off spigot.
If it proves inadequate, the entire GOP will blame Biden for another slow Democrat recovery. If the economy rebounds quickly, well, that was Trump.
Republican senators and their mediocre factotums like Drew are gonna do what they’re gonna do, but it will be professional failure to pretend to believe them when they pretend to be mad about government officials making “disparaging comments” about members of the other party.
When I’ve said we need new discourse norms to ostracize bad-faith actors, I was thinking ahead to this moment. How journalists cover Republicans pretending to care about deficits, tweets, etc. will go far toward determining whether the sabotage they’re plotting “works” or not.