ER I called for immediate impeachment and removal. (Plus @dandrezner @kdtenpas @TimOBrien @marcambinder etc.) bloomberg.com/opinion/articl…

But just to add to that a bit...
I think this is a rare situation in which impeachment even knowing removal is unlikely/impossible would still be appropriate.

I've argued in the past that partisan impeachments have a number of drawbacks. But in this situation, most of those drawbacks would be null or limited.
e.g. impeachment has public opinion problems because instead of priming on an improper act, it focuses on removing the president - and normally that tends to push people who voted for the president to rally to him. But with no election coming, that's not so important. Meanwhile
Normally the House has multiple options for restraining or punishing a president - options that might get through a Senate that wouldn't go for convicting a president. Obviously does not apply right now, when there's no legislative train coming to jump on board.
And I'm usually skeptical of the argument that impeachment imposes high costs by distracting Congress and the president from other business, to whatever extent that's real it also doesn't apply to a rapid impeachment of a president who by all accounts isn't doing his job anyway.
Impeachment (and especially impeachment without removal) is a political act, not a moral statement, and so it shouldn't happen no matter how deserved unless it's politically prudent. But right now? I think it is prudent.
And far more so if one of the (handful of) House Republicans who have condemned Trump for aiding an insurrection would be willing to introduce it. But even if it was a straight party-line vote.
That's all. Original item here: bloomberg.com/opinion/articl…

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More from @jbview

10 Nov 20
Excellent thread and good description, but I have some conceptual issues.
If Republican politicians are following incentives to be on party-aligned TV and other party-aligned media; to raise money from party donors; and to win primaries - that's a story about a *strong* party, with politicians in service, we might say, to Hannity and donors.
It is also, alas, a highly dysfunctional party because it doesn't place winning elections and governing as top priorities. But that doesn't mean it's weak.
Read 6 tweets
3 Jun 20
Read the whole thread, but this is the key: Trump doesn't know how to get exec branch personnel to do what he wants. He's bad at what Neustadt called "persuasion." And it builds on itself - he's easily rolled, which creates the reputation that he's easily rolled. More...
Truman was wrong about Ike; Ike knew better than to just say "Do this! Do that!" and expect anything to happen, because he knew very well how political and bureaucratic authority worked. Trump is the one who really thinks that it works by saying "Do this! Do that!" It doesn't.
So for one thing: Like Nixon when he failed at persuasion, Trump tries to get around it by, in effect, cheating against the system (and therefore against the law and the constitution). Which is very dangerous to the system, and also dangerous to Trump.
Read 5 tweets
22 Sep 19
218 to call the current formal impeachment inquiry an even more formal impeachment inquiry? Yeah, but what's the point?

218 to approve articles? Maybe. But if all they have is 218, it gets maybe 45 in the Senate. And then what?
I do think it's correct that moving ahead with impeachment would make impeachment more popular with people who don't like Trump but currently oppose impeachment.
But there's no reason to believe impeachment per se will make Trump less popular. Didn't work in 1998-1999. Didn't work in 1974.
Read 9 tweets
25 May 19
This is a serious question about future presidents and deserves some thought. @YAppelbaum @fordm

Assume we're talking about a party-line vote (plus Amash) in the House, followed by a straight party vote or worse in the Senate. That's what it looks like now. (1/ )
@YAppelbaum @fordm Could hearings and investigation change that? Perhaps! But irrelevant, since those should happen with or without an impeachment context.* I think it's unlikely that the actual drafting and debate over articles of impeachment would change minds.
@YAppelbaum @fordm *Yes, there are arguments that impeachment hearings would be different. That wasn't the case in 1973-1974; I'm not convinced that it would be different now.

So let's stipulate a party-line impeachment and acquittal, which is I think what the advocates are in fact stipulating.
Read 12 tweets
21 Mar 19
Quick electoral college thread: Went back to the oldest Polsby & Wildavsky Presidential Elections I own - 4th ed., 1976 to see their case for the EC. It's *badly* dated.
They argue mainly that the EC has tended to empower big cities and the diverse populations in large states. That's good, for them, because...
...it balanced off how the Senate (and pre-Baker v. Carr, the House) were biased in favor of one-party states, which tended to be either all-Anglo or ruled by all-Anglo parties.

That's essentially gone now.
Read 7 tweets
11 Jan 19
This is a very good and important thread about not overreacting to the whole emergency declaration thing. Read it. However! (1/ )
The important context here is that we're dealing with a lawless presidency. (2/ )
All presidents try to stretch their formal authority; that's natural, and in many ways healthy. Energy in the executive! Ambition countering ambition! (3/ )
Read 9 tweets

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