A quick thread about the legal issues surrounding the imposition of a “quarantine at a hotel” requirement for international travellers. These are initial thoughts: would welcome thoughts and contributions! NB I’m thinking about 🏴 only but this probably applies equally to 🏴.
The basic power is in section 45B of the Public Health (Control of Disease) Act 1984.
Subsection (2)(b) refers to the “detention, isolation, or quarantine of persons”.
So the legal basis looks clear. But regulations will also have to meet requirements of rationality. And since detaining people in a hotel room engages fundamental human rights (Article 5 of the ECHR), HRA tests of proportionality are in play too.
Though NB that Art 5(3)(e) ECHR expressly contemplates lawful detention for the prevention of the spreading of infectious disease.
A couple of issues strike me.
First, the government will need a robust case to explain why isolation at home (eg using apps, geolocation, or even tracking bracelets) is not an acceptable alternative.
There has been some suggestion that the legal powers don’t exist to permit that: but I have to say that I don’t immediately see why it doesn’t fit under (2)(b) - at least as a set of conditions compliance with which are an exception from the requirement to quarantine at a hotel.
(Eg, quarantine in a hotel unless you download the app/keep your phone on and with you at all times/wear a tag).
As I understand it, the requirement won’t be imposed on eg road hauliers (because our supply chain would collapse if it did). And what about ministers and foreign dignitaries (the G7 is in the UK in June)? But then the logic of the Whitehall official kicks in.
To adopt a metaphor, a requirement to make people stick their fingers in a hole in the dyke and stand there for 2 weeks looks questionable if water is flowing unchecked through another hole in the dyke.
There may be answers to that but they need to be articulated and thought through.
To put the point shortly: if a : detention in hotel policy is backed by reasoning to show why nothing less intrusive will work, and if it is more than a “something must be done” gesture made pointless because of exceptions, it will probably be legally secure. But those are “ifs”.
As Brexit has taught us, the UK is not an island. It has a land border: and one that is impossible to close. If you don’t have coherent solutions to that issue, your policy isn’t a policy: it’s a letter to Father Christmas.
The only solutions which I can see are (1) treat NI as abroad for all purposes, including quarantine (and you need to be up front about the political and economic cost of that); or
He’s right that this will be an area where subsidies to support production will be very closely scrutinised under the TCA - and note the power of UK Courts to review for TCA compliance under s29 of the EU (Future Relationship) Act and Art 3.10 TCA.
One interesting aspect of this is this is that there are a number of voices asking questions about who has power to decide who has access to a major platform and what, in a democracy, is the legitimacy of their power to make that choice.
My piece concentrated on the position under the Trade and Cooperation Agreement. That’s what I know about: and it’s a single public document that anyone can look up and get advice on.
If it is clear from the TCA that something is permitted across the EU then - armed with that - you can reasonably sensibly go and do it.
What is needed is a new mobility chapter setting out general rights (which could be qualified) to allow short-term visa-free working by UK citizens in the EU and vice versa - along the lines offered by the EU and rejected by the current government for ideological reasons.