Does Foucault ♥️ racism?

This is the question that begins the fourth lecture in Society Must Be Defended, on January 28th 1976.
MF begins by deflecting a potential misinterpretation of his last lecture (see below). “You might have thought,” he says, “that I was trying to both trace the history of racist discourse AND PRAISE IT.”

So he offers us a useful distinction to show why this isn’t correct. It's a distinction he will explore throughout this lecture. It's the distinction between:

racism/ racist discourse on 1⃣✋

&

race war on the other 🤚
If we think of racism, roughly, as prejudice & discrimination based on supposed differences in biological type, MF argues, this sort of racism is just a passing moment in a longer history of race war discourses. He is not praising it at all. BUT…
But, he says, “I was indeed praising the discourse of race war.”

This lecture will trace the emergence of race war discourses to show why it was initially something positive & revolutionary… and how it was taken over by the state to become something truly terrible.
Before the emergence of race war as a historical discourse, what was history? MF argues that history was ritual. It served to enforce the power of the 👑. It did this in 3⃣ ways.
1⃣ History is genealogy. It transforms the present into the culmination of our ancestor’s heroic actions. History is a chain of great leaders, leading to our current great leader.
2⃣ History is memory. The actions of our great leader are important. They are worth remembering. Everything the 👑 does is significant because it will be remembered in the future. Nothing they do is insignificant. Nothing will be lost to history.
3⃣History is an example. In the sense of a legal example. A precedent. It empowers the law.
Genealogy, memory, example. In these ways, history serves the 👑

“Binding & dazzling… subjugating by imposing obligations & intensifying the luster of force… History was a ritual that reinforced sovereignty.”
Race war first appears as a historical discourse that opposes this relationship between history & sovereignty. It starts out as counter-history. It aims to challenge the 👑
History’s new role is not to dazzle, but to uncover. “The role of history… will be to show that the laws deceive, that kings wear masks, that power creates illusions & that historians tell lies.”
New characters appear. Great leaders are replaced by peoples. The Gauls, Celts, Saxons…

And instead of the great deeds of great leaders, history becomes obsessed with invasion: the Frankish invasion, the Norman invasion…
MF makes four comments about this discourse of race war.

1⃣Race war discourses are counter-histories. They oppose sovereignty. But that doesn’t mean they always serve the interests of the oppressed. For example, aristocrats very quickly adopted race war discourses.
2⃣ When these discourses appear, ‘race’ does not mean biological race. It has a much broader meaning. It refers to two groups united by conflict. Race is therefore originally a political category, not a biological one.
3⃣This discourse of race war does not completely replace the previous discourse of history and sovereignty. The two discourses of history overlap and interact. They continue to be recombined in new ways.
4⃣All revolutionary discourses have their origins in race war counter-histories. Race war discourses provide the first historical expressions of power asymmetry, injustice, oppressive violence, and so on.
This brings us back to MF’s original point, about the distinction between racism & race war. Race war is a much broader discourse than racism. It includes many different types of struggles, e.g. class struggle. Racism is just one ‘moment’ in the history of race war discourses.
But the appearance of biological racism also represents a crucial turning point. When biological racism appears:

1⃣ race war discourse gets taken over by the state
2⃣ race war discourse transforms
How does race war discourse change? It stops being a war between two races. It becomes a war of purification within a single population. Purification replaces struggle.

And it is no longer a war against the state or sovereign. It is a war by the sovereign, for the people.
If race war was originally revolutionary, then racism is revolution “in inverted form.”
Coming towards the end of the lecture, MF gives us two examples of modern state racism: Nazi & Soviet state racism. They both appear after these changes ⬆️ took place. Both examples show how state racism combines counter-history with history, and revolution with sovereignty.
Nazism combined state racism with the epic character of race war discourse. It spoke of the glorious past, the return of heroes & the great leader, the coming empire that would last until the end of days… And it sought racial purity.
Soviet state racism was “just the opposite” of Nazism. It was scientific rather than epic. It was managerial and orderly. It focused on class enemies rather than racial enemies. It sought class purification, rather than racial purification.
MF is bending more than one horse shoe here. He now brings his narrative back to the start of the lecture. He has aimed, he says, to balance the scales, and show both the “glory and the infamy” of race war discourses.
And having once again made lengthy digressions & clarifications, he will, in the next lecture, he claims, start to look at the early history of race war discourses.

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More from @GJosephRoche

21 Jan
Third lecture, January 21, 1976.

In today’s lecture, Foucault will briefly revisit his discussion of sovereignty from the last lecture, before moving on to the main topic of the lecture series: war. Today we will learn the meaning of the series' title: SOCIETY MUST BE DEFENDED.
Other topics MF will cover include: the emergence of social war discourses after the Middle Ages. Truth and social war. The mythical nature of social war discourses. 2 types of race war. State racism.

[‘social war’ is my term]

To the lectures…
Foucault begins by saying goodbye. “Last time, we said a sort of farewell to the theory of sovereignty.”

He sums up this theory by focusing on 3 terms: subject, unity, and legitimacy.

1⃣ Sovereign power is constituted by a multiplicity of subjects.
Read 25 tweets
14 Jan
Second lecture, January 14, 1976.

As I see it, today’s lecture covers two main topics:

1⃣ a discussion of methodology in relation to the study of power

2⃣ a discussion of two forms of state power: sovereign power & what Foucualt will later call biopower.
The discussion of sovereign power & biopower might give us a useful way to think about one aspect of our current moment: the pandemic & anti-mask/ anti-lockdown movements. I’ll come back to that. But, for now, to the lecture itself…
Is war a useful model for understanding power?

MF opens his second lecture with this question. He wants to begin—“and to do no more than begin”—exploring whether war can provide a “a principle that can help us understand and analyze political power…”
Read 26 tweets
7 Jan
First lecture. January 7, 1976. It doesn’t begin well. Foucault starts his 1976 lectures by complaining. He gets paid to do RESEARCH, but he’s spending all his time preparing these lectures, which have turned into a ‘circus’.
He is not enjoying the lectures: “…torture is putting it too strongly, boredom is putting it too mildly, so I suppose it [is] somewhere between the two.” So he has decided to move the lectures early in the day this year, in the hope that nobody will turn up.
Moving on, MF tells us that this year’s lectures will bring to a close a series of research projects he has been working on for the past four or five years. “We are making no progress, and it’s all leading nowhere. It’s all repetitive and it doesn’t add up.”
Read 20 tweets
29 Dec 20
This year, I’ve continued writing about Tibet’s minoritized languages, the ongoing efforts to eliminate them, and the issue of language oppression across the Himalayas and around the world. [thread]
This article looks at how race and language oppression are entangled in Tibet, and lays the groundwork for a raciolinguistic approach to the global language crisis.

doi.org/10.1016/j.lang…
This article examines the emergence of a language rights discourse among Tibetans in China, and shows how this discourse works against the interests of Tibetans that sign and speak minoritized languages.

doi.org/10.1080/103578…
Read 18 tweets
21 Nov 20
The 19th of November was Gunditjmara Invasion Day. It marks the date when settler Edward Hently first arrived in Gunditjmara country (now western Victoria, Australia). Invasion, murder, death & dispossession followed. This violent history continues to be denied. 1/n
In this thread I will show how settlers today continue to trivialize this violence against Indigenous people.

I want to be clear that I’m focusing on settler denial (as a settler) & that I’m not speaking for Gunditjmara people. 2/n
I’m going to talk about denial in a really mundane—but not trivial—context: cheese.

The point I want to make is that even mundane things & commercial products are sites of the denial of colonial violence & its justification and continuation. 3/n
Read 21 tweets
5 Sep 20
🧵 - I've just had an editor refuse to publish a piece of writing they invited me to submit & I think it's fair to call it censorship. Pls read because I think the implications are important [long 🧵 - skip to the end for implications]
In March 2019 I received an invitation to present at a conference to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts (TIPA).
I submitted a proposal on 'Music & Multilingualism in Pre-Colonial Tibet.' I was unsure if my proposal would be accepted, because speaking about the Tibetan context as 'multilingual' is still not widely accepted.

[read here for more about that: tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10…]
Read 28 tweets

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