Sorry to bore you with a thread, but we need to address the inaccurate, amped up talk of an 'economic United Ireland'.
Sadly it's a lie. Brexit means that in all areas not in the Protocol - and that includes fundamental areas - the north/south economies will *diverge*..
There is a huge list of areas which the Protocol does not cover and on which the UK-EU TCA is either silent or a huge retrenchment...
This includes all services (I.e. the large majority of both the UK and NI economies).
So: recognition of qualifications, data flows...
The digital single market and all telecommunications (eg roaming), public procurement, legal services, labour regulations and on and on and on.
But to pick two BIGGIES, which give the lie to misleading talk of 'an economic United Ireland'.
First, FINANCIAL SERVICES...
Ireland has always had cross border banks but financial services are excluded from the Protocol. Nothing is more fundamental to the real economy than banks. And in the absence of a meaningful deal on equivalence, our all-Ireland banks (I.e. 3 of big 4) have already reorganised...
Because there are certain kinds of ROI client work which now simply can't be done in Belfast.
We know Bank of Ireland is reviewing its presence in the north and Ulster Bank its presence in the south.
Not only is financial services not converging into unity, its *diverging*...
This by the way, is after decades and decades of businesses being able to rely on cross border banking. Even if imperfect, it was a huge driver of cross border activity. From the smallest SMEs along the border to corporate lending.
It wont stop, but it will be harder..
And second MIGRATION.
Fundamental to any economy in the 21st century is its immigration regime.
The island of Ireland now has two fundamentally different immigration regimes.
South will still benefit from freedom of movement while north will be subject to new UK rules...
CTA means UK and Irish citizens can still travel and work in both Ireland and Britain.
But a tech company or law firm in Dublin can't now send an EU 27 national to work in Belfast.
A French backpacker doing bar work in Galway can't get a coach to Derry for a new job...
(By the way even the DUP economy minister admits that the new UK immigration rules are shocking for the NI economy but keeps writing letters to Priti Patel to no avail)....
If you think major divergence on banking or immigration is evidence of economic convergence or indeed *an economic United Ireland* then I'm afraid I have some economists for you to talk to.
Yes, the Protocol has real consequences in the area of movement of goods...
And food, plant and animal health standards.
But in massive areas of our economy (again, the maj of NI economy is *services*) Brexit means the two parts of Ireland moving further apart not closer.
As someone who believes in an all Ireland economy, I wish it were otherwise...
But I'm getting fed up of reading hyped up analyses based on paperwork relating to certain goods movements without mentioning the many, many areas where cross border economic activity...
*will become harder not easier*
ends.
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Two budgetary 💷 moments in NI this week, but there is minimal public understanding of what they mean - frankly there is limited *Assembly* understanding of what they mean.
Beneath the headline numbers, there are major issues.
Here is a thread unpacking some of them.
What are these docs?
First, is the draft - I.e. not final yet - Executive Budget for the *next* financial year, 2021-22, starting in April.
Second, is the 'January Monitoring' round, which is the last opportunity to move around unspent money in *this* financial year, 2020/21...
Draft Budget came earlier in the week, but its more logical to explain where we are in this financial year before moving to next.
On Covid and non-Covid, there are welcome allocations, small and large - @depTf allocating 100m on restrictons support & 0.6m on n'paper rate relief
🚨There's a scandalous silence about NI's preparations for Brexit. Both Westminster and the Assembly are going into recess with biz and society crying out for basic information. I've written to both Michael Gove and the first ministers asking for urgent clarity (1/5)
More than two months have passed since Michael Gove published his threadbare command paper on the protocol. Since then, businesses have received minimal further information. What has changed is that Gove and his govt have ruled out an extension of the transition...
Despite his claims in May to have prioritised the consent of the NI Assembly, his govt simply ignored our Assembly motion asking for an extension of the transition. And they have failed to give business here the most basic information on the changes being forced upon them...
When RTE had a public vote less than a decade ago on Ireland's Greatest person, Hume beat Michael Collins, the man who won independence and founded the state. Hume is the moral and intellectual architect of the GFA, not David Trimble - who was courageous enough to do the deal...
But cannot claim to have worked out the three strands - internal power sharing, North-South, East-West - or built up US and EU goodwill over years. Or, more than anything, an interpretation of tragic ethno-national conflict on one island that required more than binary victory...
This meeting may be more important than Chequers. EU will probably accept a fudge on the future relationship that allows the Tories to remain unsplit until after next March (it will after all only be a pol declaration) but not will accept fudge on the Irish backstop (THREAD)
People forget the EU has always seen withdrawal and the future as separate negotiations. The Irish border is the bit they demanded certainty on. And in order to get progress to trade talks, the UK agreed to a backstop (albeit with internal contradictions in the text)
If all the UK can agree on future trade is a vague political document without guarantees, the EU can probably agree, but that obviously creates even more imperative for the Irish govt to demand a clear backstop. Which means the real potential blockers aren't ERG, but DUP...
The de-othering of Northern Ireland happening in the rest of the UK (and the rest of Ireland - see increased Varadkar engagement) is a good thing in the long term. But it will be bumpy (1/)
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the reason NI is the central dilemma in Brexit is because it is a contested space in which the UK has consented to a slight smudging of sovereignty to accommodate its unique connection to another EU member state... (2/)
the irony was that a settlement designed to highlight connections to both the UK and Ireland had the effect of reinforcing NI's separateness from both. Brexit, and the myriad consequences (including DUP C&S) has drawn attention to this in a way that is uncomfortable... (3)
Here is a problem with the DUP wanting 'no special arrangements for Northern Ireland': until Brexit they've been demanding nothing but that for decades (thread)
In 2011 at the Treasury, I worked on the announcement of the reduction of long haul APD and it's devolution to Stormont. It temporarily kept a symbolic but unprofitable United airlines belfast-NY route open...
At the forefront of that campaign were DUP politicians who rightly pointed out the Uk's higher rate of APD made Belfast's airports uncompetitive against Dubln. Northern Ireland therefore had 'special' and 'unique' needs that HMT had to meet...