New paper on

Long-term heterogeneity in immigrant naturalisation

with Anna Tegunimataka (@lunduniversity), Floris Peters (@macimide) and Pieter Bevelander (@MalmoMigration)

is now available in @ESR_news! 🌞

@MiLifeStatus @ERC_Research

a thread /1

/2

Paper draws on data from admin registers

on 642k migrants from 8 cohorts

in 🇩🇰, 🇳🇱 and 🇸🇪

tracked up to 21 ysm

N=4.3M obs

We observe large differences in cumulative naturalisation rates:

🇸🇪 80%
🇳🇱 67%
🇩🇰 37%

Differences increase after contrasting policy changes. Image
/3

Language requirements and integration tests were introduced in both Denmark (B1/B2) and the Netherlands (A2), but not in Sweden.

Dual citizenship was restricted in the Netherlands but liberalised in Sweden. Image
/4

We employ stratified Cox proportional hazard models to model duration until naturalisation.

We find that the introduction of citizenship tests is associated with substantial naturalisation gaps in both 🇩🇰 and 🇳🇱, esp. among migrants with lower educational background. Image
/5

Our findings on selection effects of civic 'integration' requirements are in line with previous work by @kkrjensen et al on 🇩🇰

doi.org/10.1080/136918…
/6

Our estimates suggest that the introduction of civic integration requirements is associated with substantial delays in naturalisation.

Even in 🇳🇱 with modest A2 language requirement, esp. among lower educated migrants. Image
/7

When looking at #dualcitizenship, liberalisation increases the propensity to naturalise, but relevance is strongly conditioned by migrants’ origin context.

Higher rates if dual citizenship possible, esp. among 🇪🇺 migrants and those from highly developed origin countries. Image
/8

We find that being able to retain one’s origin citizenship is associated with durably higher naturalisation rates among EU citizens 🇪🇺 and migrants from highly developed countries. Image
/9

These results on delaying (civic integration requirement) and putting off naturalisation (dual citizenship restriction) are in line with earlier work on 🇳🇱 with @LabussiereMarie.

doi.org/10.1080/136918….
/10

For more information on the @MiLifeStatus @ERC_Research project see:

milifestatus.com

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More from @maartenpvink

2 Mar
It’s election time in NL!

-> 17 March 🇳🇱

I had a look at party positions on #citizenship in 13 election manifestoes.

What did I find…?

1. Right-wing restriction
2. Left-wing silence / ambiguity
3. Small liberal center
4. New diaspora capture

A thread /
#1. Right-wing restriction

No surprise. Parties on center-right (VVD), orthodox Christian right (SGP) & populist right (FvD, PVV) advocate citizenship stripping.

‘Freedom’ Party PVV advocates restrictions of #dualcitizens (eg military)

FvD & SGP against pathway to citizenship.
#2. Left-wing silence / ambiguity I

The Greens (GL) & orthodox Socialist Party (SP) are silent on citizenship.

Labour Party (PvdA) somewhat ambiguous on #dualcitizenship: ‘no sign of lack of loyalty, but want to help people get rid of other citizenship, if they want’.
Read 11 tweets
22 Feb
New pre-print:

What’s the causal impact of #dualcitizenship acceptance on immigrant naturalisation?

Floris Peters (@MiLifeStatus) and I apply quasi-experimental design based on reforms in 🇳🇱 (1997) and 🇸🇪 (2001).

I think it’s pretty nifty 🤓

osf.io/skvfp

thread/1 Image
/2

Difference-in-differences design exploits exogenous variation in origin country #citizenship legislation to identify the treatment effect of destination country policy reform.

We draw on @macimide data on expatriate dual citizenship acceptance: doi.org/10.7910/DVN/TT… Image
We employ microlevel administrative data on complete migrant populations in the years around these reforms.

In 🇳🇱 dual citizenship was restricted in 1997, though with major exemptions (eg not if 🇳🇱 partner).

In 🇸🇪 dual citizenship was liberalised in 2001. Image
Read 8 tweets

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