Good thread by Matt. I’d just add that it’s bizarre to watch smart people treat the size of this package as some kind of math error. This is not just a package to close the output gap. It’s not 2009, economically or politically (and we failed in 2009 by going too small then!)
The point of the Build Back Better frame, which the Biden team has hardly been shy about, is coronavirus has shone light on savage, preexisting inequities in our society, and a moral response to this crisis requires addressing them too.
That will make the package bigger than the output gap because it is trying to do much more than close the output gap. And properly so.
Summers sort of addresses this, saying he’s worried this package will drain support for future investment. Maybe? This package betters people’s lives through giving them money, which has the benefit of being a popular thing to do. And popular things build political power.
Is that political theory wrong? Maybe. But since the 09 political theory of “don’t overdue it, you can always come back,” was also wrong, doing the opposite seems worth a try. What’s the worst that can happen? Struggling families get a bit more money in an awful time?
Related subtweet. As Austan says, the output gap is not the measure here!
So putting aside the question of whether Matt is uncivil on Twitter (he often is, he admits it), I want to say this is a mean and uncivil way to think about how other people live their lives and make their decisions. aei.org/poverty-studie…
This idea that it's too cushy to be unemployed, or to be a single parent — or would be too cushy if we passed a child allowance so those families wouldn't live in poverty — is just awful. Dressing it up in technocratic language doesn't change that.
"Incentives matter." Ugh.
I believe "incentives matter," on the margin. But life circumstances matter more. Luck matters more.
I believe children shouldn't grow up in poverty. Every estimate we have suggests this policy would mean far fewer of them do. Scott doesn't have a credible estimate otherwise.
“I don’t think conservatism can do its job in a free society in opposition to the institutions of that society,” Yuval Levin told me. “I think it can only function in defense of them.”
One thing I'd pull out: A lot of our conversation is about the weakness of Republicans institutions.
When I brought this up, Levin responded that a reason Republicans have fled a lot of mainstream institutions is they've become more liberal.
Causality there is complicated, and we go back and forth on it in the full conversation. But even if you buy that explanation completely, it doesn't explain away the problem.
This is a good plan by @MittRomney, and Democrats should eagerly work with him to pass it. There's items worth debating in here — particularly the pay-fors — but what a wonderful world where this is what we were debating. vox.com/future-perfect…
We talk about liberal and conservative bias, but status quo bias is at the root of many of our problems. The worst institutional failures, the most immoral policies, survive because “that’s just how we do things.”
Dems are moving forward with budget reconciliation, because Manchin, Sinema, and likely others, refuse to get rid of the filibuster.
“Budget reconciliation.” It sounds sober, important and official. It's a disaster, and it has become the main way the Senate passes big bills.
Budget reconciliation layers a bad process atop a broken process. To counter the minority’s abuse of the filibuster rule, the majority abuses another rule — the budget reconciliation rule — in a way that makes legislation systematically and undeniably worse for all of us.
This is the part of the horror film where safety seems in sight, but it is obvious, to those paying attention, that the monster is not dead, and that the worst may be yet to come. We cannot let ourselves be taken by surprise. nytimes.com/2021/01/28/opi…
A lot of the advice in here is to do more of what we are doing. But some of it isn't! Among other things, the FDA really, really needs to open the gates on at-home antigen testing. The virus is getting faster. We need stronger tools to keep up.
And we need better masks — and maybe the government should simply produce and distribute them directly. Quickly.
This is a good @mattyglesias post about techno-politics but I want to quibble with the part of it that’s about my essay on the policy feedback loops you can build by Just Helping People Fast. Matt writes: slowboring.com/p/you-cant-bla…
I want to be clear here: I’m saying that the Affordable Care act was, from a political perspective, badly designed, and that *a different health care plan* might’ve led to a better Dem performance in 2010. But these arguments don't grapple with that.