This piece by @jpianomiddleton sets out the problem. The government’s explanation of how we got here was set out by the DCMS minister, Caroline Dinenage, in a debate last week on the petition about this issue. committees.parliament.uk/oralevidence/1…
Let’s look at it.
The UK proposals, she says, were straightforward and just involved adding musicians to the list of permitted short term business visitors.
The problem, though, is that the concept of a “short term business visitor” (a term common to a number of EU and UK free trade agreements) specifically excluded people who are paid on their own account by someone in the host country.
The STBV concept is essentially designed for employees of businesses travelling to deal with their employer’s customers (or target customers). It doesn’t cover a singer wanting to take a part in an opera. See (b).
The UK proposal thus apparently meant fiddling around with the definition of STBV, so as to include musicians being paid on their own behalf. (The published UK text is blank at a key point, but that seems to have been the idea.)
Problem, though: you can fiddle around with a definition - but fiddling around with that one in the STBV provisions had implications. Not least because the EU has promised other countries to offer them as good terms here as it offers to any other country.
So that definition would not just have widened for the UK but for others too.
So the UK offer wasn’t exactly “straightforward”. And it isn’t quite right to say that it would have removed the need for work permits: see the standard rider to all these STBV provisions. “Specified in Annex SERVIN-3” (and thus subject to work permits) is a *long* list.
As to the EU proposal, that was under the heading “mobility” (which is really where this issue belongs: it’s about the right to go and get a short-term gig or job, not about UK companies supplying services to EU customers).
The EU offer was for general short run (90 days) mobility to work but which could be subjected to limits by individual countries - but the offer made it clear that individual countries could not limit artists’ right to undertake “ad hoc activity”.
Dinenage is right that that offer would have left the ability of technical staff, and musicians acting on more than an ad hoc basis (and your guess is as good as mine as to what “ad hoc activity” meant), subject to blocks by individual states. So not ideal.
But it is reasonable to suppose that it could - with a will - have been worked on.
The problem with the EU proposal though, from the point of view of the current government and its choice of Brexit, was that this was all under a “mobility” head. Commitment to visa-free travel - even in a limited way for 90 days - was unacceptable.
See Dinenage’s last quoted paragraph.
Which is why we are where we are.

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More from @GeorgePeretzQC

12 Feb
This article by Jim Spellar for @LabourList misses the point about why Labour needs to think seriously about constitutional reform - and have a programme for it ready for government.
The state of our constitution is a bit like the state of the neglected electric wiring in an old house. If you are moving into the house, sorting it out is a bit tedious. Couldn’t you spend the time and money on a new sound system?
But if you ignore the wiring, you’ll find that you can’t safely install the new sound system. And your house may well catch fire.
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11 Feb
Great thread by @pmdfoster on chemicals regulation out of the EU. There is a fundamental dilemma here.
Out of the EU you can try to set up your own equally thorough system of regulation: including huge and expensive-to-generate datasets. Problem: huge costs (and for a far smaller market); and suppliers will simply decide it’s not worth it and stop supplying GB*.
Other option: just “me too” EU approvals. But then you are tied to the EU regime and lose your own regulatory capacity. And have no accountability when things go wrong.
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9 Feb
You could call it part of the “great deal” that was the centrepiece of the manifesto on which the party @danielmgmoylan supports, and whose whip he takes, was elected.
Same point applies to @DanielJHannan, whose article (rightly eviscerated by @GavinBarwell here) also fails to mention his support for the said manifesto and “great deal”.
Note too that the issues created by the Irish Sea border would have been less acute if the UK had gone for the broadly Swiss-type arrangements that Hannan supported (and wrote a post-referendum book about) before he decided to cheer-lead the radicalisation of his party.
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If you want a quick guide to the current government’s consultation on a new UK subsidy control regime, here are links to two.
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4 Feb
For Secretaries of State, there’s a general rule that anything they do can be done by a junior minister: look at who signs most statutory instruments made “by the Secretary of State”, and at junior ministers taking eg planning decisions when the incumbent SoS has a conflict.
And of course Carltona: the general principle that civil servants can take decisions in the name of the SoS.
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1 Feb
A thread on useful material explaining what our subsidy control regime currently is.
An introduction with various comments eurelationslaw.com/blog/synopsis-…
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