But first, if you're an economist, where can you go to find MMT literature, so that you can read before forming an opinion and back your commentary with citations? Here's a resource: deficitowls.wixsite.com/mmt4mainstream… /2
(Note that the only citation Dr. Reis provided was a *review* of a book. Obviously Twitter isn't an academic journal, but still, if Dr. Reis had a student submit a paper where the student didn't even read the material she commented on, no doubt he would give that student an F.)/3
Dr. Reis seems to think that MMT is encapsulated in the statements "central banks could 'print money' to pay for any amount of spending" and "there is no constraint on how much the government can spend." He appears to think that MMT is synonymous with a call to increase M0. /4
This is just wrong.
Being a 25-year long research program, MMT is many things, but here's one introductory summary of some of its components. It's not so complicated, though may be unfamiliar to mainstream researchers. alittleecon.wordpress.com/2014/06/03/the… /5
But what it's NOT is simply a call to 'print more money.' MMT is first and foremost an analytical lens, an alternative framework for understanding the macro-economy, that draws on heterodox foundations rather than neoclassical ones. Following from this, /6
there are a number of policy proposals that most MMTers agree on, like the Job Guarantee.
Do we say "there is no constraint on how much the government can spend"? Of course not. At a basic level, there are political constraints: the gov can only spend money if the legislature /7
approves it. Beyond this, obviously, the gov can only purchase goods that are actually for sale! This is determined by a combination of the demand for the currency, the productive capacity of the industry, and the institutional arrangements in the market. Going further, /8
even if the gov *can* purchase something, sometimes it will only be able to do so by bidding those goods away from other uses, resulting in price increases which feed through to inflation. While they technically *can* do this, rarely does anybody think that they should, which /9
is why MMTers often say things like "inflation is the constraint to government deficits," as in this video
Finally, just because the gov can buy anything that's for sale in its currency doesn't mean that it should. (Hopefully this is obvious.) /10
What about the monetary base and "printing money"? Dr. Reis highlights that "CB reserves are just another form of borrowing."
But that came from us! MMT strongly supports the "credit theory of money," which see money as IOUs (See Innes elgaronline.com/view/978184376…) and /11
integrating this with Chartalist state theory of money is an original contribution of MMT.
In other words, MMT will be the first to tell you that the types of gov liability that are out there has very little impact on inflation, compared to the total amount. In short: MMTers aren't demanding we increase M0 instead of selling bonds; we're saying it doesn't matter. /13
At least not economically. Proposals that ARE explicitly about "printing money" such as @MintTheCoin are quite clear this is for political/pedagogical reasons, NOT to increase fiscal capacity (and suggest replacing Treasury bonds with CB securities!) mintthecoin.org/faq/ /14
Dr. Reis asserts that our predictions "have been repeatedly proven wrong by theory and data" but this is also just false. In fact, the MMT track record is extremely good! See item 12 here deficitowls.wixsite.com/mmt4mainstream… /15
The problem is that Dr. Reis doesn't actually know what MMT's predictions are. If he did, he would not cite Latin America, which is actually a clear case where MMT is obviously right! Here's a thread on this exact accusation (note the date...)
The short story here is that MMT identifies a spectrum of "monetary sovereignty," where full monetary sovereigns face no *purely financial* obstacle to fiscal full employment policy, while nations with less MS, like the examples from LA, *can* face problems from this. /17
That's enough for now so let me close with this: @R2Rsquared would be justifiably furious if we formed opinions of his work without reading it, then likened it to previous discredited work to a large internet audience. There *are* mainstream economists who have engaged MMT /18
with an open mind, supporting their commentary with readings/citations of the source material eg. @dandolfa (and note his response
Let me try to clear up a point of confusion on MMT's "sectoral balance" approach.
In the equation (S - I) = (G - T) + (X - M)... why is it "S - I"? What does this mean? Why do we care about this rather than just "saving" S? Here's a thread on how I think about it 1/n
What we want to look at are deficits and surpluses. "Deficit" = spending more than your income, and "surplus" = spending less than your income.
If we split the whole world into parts, then it's only possible for one of those parts to be in surplus if some other is in deficit. /2
Why is this? Because if one part cuts down its spending (without its income falling) then some other part is now receiving less income, because that income was coming from the spending.
The language of "sticky prices" implies that "flexible prices" are the base case and sticky ones are a deviation, but I think really the opposite makes more sense.
When you buy something, the starting assumption for the price is always "whatever it was last time." It seems (1/4)
like there's an extra step involved if the price changes. In a business, somebody came and changed a posted price, an additional action compared to just selling you a product.
So maybe better language would be that "stable prices" are the norm and "volatile prices" a deviation?
Or maybe better still, what's considered the expected case should depend on the context. With an auction mechanism where price is intended to be sensitive to market conditions, flexible is the norm, whereas with posted, administered prices, stable is the norm.
A thread of polls on the assumptions of "Perfect Competition."
1/5: "Perfect Competition" implicitly assumes the existence and well-functioning of some sort of auction-like mechanism.
2/5: "Perfect Competition" implicitly assumes the existence and well-functioning of institutions that transmit information about the product (such as product details and quality).
3/5: "Perfect Competition" implicitly assumes the existence and well-functioning of institutions that transmit information about the state of the market (such as whether there are actually any units for sale or whether there's a shortage).
To distract me from studying, here's a thread entitled "What Did War Bonds Actually Do - For the Layperson"
Tl;dr: the goal of war bonds is to get you to stop spending your money at the store. /1
The basic problem of wartime economics is this: workers are getting paid to produce war goods that are not available for them to buy. This is money that's burning a hole in your pocket, but that doesn't correspond to any real goods/services that it can be spent on. /2
If workers tried to spend all this income, then they would be competing for consumer goods at a time when these are very scarce, because so much of the economy needs to be devoted to winning the war. That could drive up prices - inflation. /3
@FrancescoNicoli thinking more about your claim that perfect competition isn't limited to using an auction as a market mechanism. Sounded reasonable at first, but more I think about it, I don't think that's right. If the "price-taking" firm can sell any quantity at the
market price, how is that possible unless there's some sort of auction mechanism? I was reading you to be saying that PC might be close enough in the case of the firm announcing a price but severely constrained by competition (eg. a farmer's market). But if the firm announces
a price, then by definition they've given up control of quantity to the market: they sell whatever buyers buy from them at the posted price. If they produce more, it won't get sold unless they either actively recruit buyers (conflicts w/ perfect information and static prefs) or
Mainstream economics says 2 different things about gov debt sustainability. In this thread I'll look at the more common view.
It says that it must be bad if the debt-to-GDP ratio goes to infinity. A little bit of math then shows that for a given size primary deficit (the part /1
of the deficit before interest payments), the debt won't go to infinity if the interest rate on the debt is less than the growth rate of GDP
This whole concept is bad because it neglects feedbacks from the debt to the primary deficit. A gov deficit implies /2
a non-gov surplus: if the government is issuing liabilities, then the private sector is accumulating them as financial assets. But as those savings increase, the desire to increase them further eventually goes down (think about it: it'd be cool to have 5x your income saved, /3