Reminder about all the supposed "norms" of the Senate: in 2001, when the Senate Parliamentarian "made it harder for the GOP to push President Bush's budget and tax cut proposals through the evenly divided body," Republicans simply fired him: washingtonpost.com/archive/politi…
I don't blame the Senate Parliamentarian, the "rules" of reconciliation are a joke.
In terms of "what now?" both options—VP Harris ruling otherwise or a standalone minimum wage bill—boil down entirely to whether 50 Dems would do it, i.e. Manchin & Sinema.
It's not really up to Harris. Sure, she can disregard the Parliamentarian—but she'll immediately face an appeal of her ruling. If she doesn't have 50 votes to back it up, it's an embarrassing defeat for no reason. The problems here are Manchin & Sinema.
Theoretically possible, but (a) it has never been done before (b) even Pence didn't do it when he could've in 2017 (c) that will make it easy for Republicans, Manchin, & Sinema to blame Harris for their own obstruction going forward.
Here's Sanders in 2017 raising Parliamentarian / Byrd Rule objections. Enzi moves for waiver. Senate debates. Vote taken, 51-48 in favor, which... loses! Because 60 votes are needed to waive the Byrd Rule issue here.
What if the presiding officer had said, "no waiver needed?"
/2
Then the 60 vote burden would've flipped to the side arguing the point of order--in that case, Sanders & Dems. That's what's being asked of Harris.
A chair's ruling on reconciliation has only been appealed twice, in 1993, both failing badly. Here it'd be >50, but still lose.
/3
Here's the problem: things don't end with that vote. Manchin & Sinema could torpedo the bill, which needs a simple majority. But even if they don't, what would they do going forward? Probably whine endlessly and enable Republican filibusters, and all the while /4
blaming Harris for destroying the comity of the Senate blah blah blah with a <50 vote big policy. It's an easy out for them and GOP to keep obstructing.
I agree with Jentleson: don't fight in reconciliation. Bring it to the floor and nuke the filibuster.
I want to pick up on the 'emergency relief' aspect, because this is yet another example of SCOTUS's "shadow docket" where they decide cases without full proceedings.
Unsurprisingly, they botched the facts of COVID restrictions in California.
Gorsuch, joined by Thomas & Alito, couldn't figure out the rules for singing in movie productions, so inexplicably decided the issue in the church's favor.
Barrett, joined by Kavanaugh, held it was "unclear," but recognized the church bore the burden.
They're all wrong.
/2
As California pointed out in its brief, and the Ninth Circuit recognized, the film industry has onerous safety protocols that the church doesn't have and never said they'd adopt. It's not comparable.
And anyway they've also been prohibited from singing indoors since November.
/3
Once again, Silver reveals that he has no idea what he's talking about. The J&J / Janssen vaccine uses a technology (adenoviral vector) that is entirely different from Moderna & Pfizer's (mRNA).
Let's talk for a second about what the FDA is doing and why.
First, Silver's (and Yglesias's) whole argument is premised on FDA review of J&J's vaccine delaying distribution. That's questionable. J&J keeps a lot of this stuff confidential, but we know they've had delays and are not ready to distribute yet.
At this very moment, the Biden admin is working to speed up J&J's production line. @aslavitt46 is on it. There is no benefit whatsoever in yelling at the FDA for doing its job to ensure the safety and efficacy of the vaccine.
It's hardly surprising to see something thoughtless and outrageous from Greenwald & Dore, but I want to discuss one particular undercurrent of misogyny here, because it's widespread.
That is: if a woman is impolite to a man, the man is absolved of all responsibility.
Let's assume Ted Cruz, a champion of deregulation who voted to rollback much of Dodd-Frank and is married to a managing director at Goldman Sachs, was sincere. 🙄
Is there a valid reason why Cruz's support for an investigation should depend on AOC's response? Of course not.
/2
For comparison, many members of the Obama admin had a hostile relationship with Warren over the CFPB's formation.
It would've been weird, gross, and pathetic if Obama had withdrawn support over that. But he's a grown man, so the work continued.
/3
Yeah. The "power-sharing" is more "procedure-clarification" in lieu of a week pointlessly voting 50/50->Harris tie-breaker on each piece. Senate Dems still hold committee chairs, set calendars, and won't have bills blocked from the floor—which was McConnell's primary weapon.
An *excellent* question. McConnell would not do it in this document. He would do it later by violating a rule, getting rejected by the presiding officer, then appealing the ruling to the full Senate, which would vote his way, 50-50 plus VP tie-breaker.
If this sounds ridiculous—huh? McConnell agrees to Senate rules that he then reinterprets???—it's *exactly* what he did in April 2017 to eliminate filibusters for nominees, to move Gorsuch through: fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R…
This time around, however, the deciding vote would be...
Hawley's argument is: starting in 1937, Pennsylvania has repeatedly violated its state constitution—including with an October 2019 bill supported by 132 out of 137 Republican state legislators that not one person claimed was unconstitutional until after Biden won.
§ 4, from 1901, says voting "methods" other than ballot are as "prescribed by law," i.e. legislature can alter. § 14 says what absentee ballots must be allowed. They've expanded that a couple times, 1957, 1967, 1985, 1997.
/2
Beginning in 1937, the Pennsylvania has had its own qualifications for absentee ballots, broadening eligibility beyond Art VII, § 14 of the PA Constitution. This, too, has been amended a bunch of times: 1963, 1968, 1980, 1998, 2006, 2012.
/3 legis.state.pa.us/cfdocs/legis/L…
The Senators falsely claim the courts ignored the Trump campaign's challenges, and say there's a need for "resolution of the multiple allegations of serious voter fraud."
So let's talk about the actual lawsuits filed by the Trump campaign.
Pennsylvania: the Trump campaign filed suit in federal court, presented evidence to a federal district court, and got an expedited appeal. The court asked them about voter fraud. Trump's campaign said "this is not a fraud case."
/2
Wisconsin: the Trump campaign sued in federal court, got an evidentiary hearing and an expedited appeal. They did not allege any instances of voter fraud, they "objected only to the administration of the election," with arguments they should've raised before the election.