This is hardly the first time that the courts have said the Secretary of State should be given the benefit of the doubt on judgments national security.
But...
The courts (and the Human Rights Act) are supposed to be a safety net to temper executive power.
And that is particularly important when political decisions are taken at the expense of an individual's rights because the person is unpopular and the decision is therefore popular.
You may say Sajid Javid had only security motives when stripping Begum of her citizenship.
But consider, for a moment, if he did not.
What check and balance is in place to ensure she has a fair chance of revealing that?
The protection of the courts is even more important when protecting the rights of a citizen of the state they have jurisdiction over.
Not because citizens are morally more important, but because there may be no other court who has jurisdiction to defend the person's rights.
In Begum's case, we see the possibility of untempered political power.
A citizen's very citizenship is taken away despite being born here.
They have no other citizenship.
So our courts become the final - and only remaining - protector
The courts then have a grave responsibility to protect that person's rights, as there is no one else to do it.
But what if they are in a place they cannot claim their rights?
And the Secretary of State has washed their hands of them?
And the Secretary of State relies on national security to prevent that person from returning to attempt to vindicate those rights?
And the courts say that national security is a black box which the courts must not attempt to open except in extreme circumstances?
You may think any one of those steps is reasonable, but taken together they give the Secretary of State almost ultimate power over that individual's future.
You may think a woman who took a decision as a child to do something terrible deserves the exercise of such power.
But if you have a inkling that there may be two sides to the argument, it is essential that the courts do everything they can to hear both sides.
That was the basis of the Court of Appeal's decision that she should return - now overturned.
People will make up their minds, and may already have done so, but as I said, the combination of the power to remove citizenship, and dictate the possibility of a fair appeal against that decision, is a lot of power for the Secretary of State to have over one life.
These kind of cases are inevitably about one set of facts but they can be the thin end of a wedge.
We see that in the way 10 years of national security cases involving 'secret courts' have led to this decision (those cases are cited in the decision)
Other citizens might reasonably wonder what would happen if they or someone they knew had their citizenship removed and were unable to explain to a court why that decision was wrong.
Others will think this could never happen to them.
"It has always been one of the pillars of freedom, one of the principles of liberty for which... we are now fighting... judges are no respecters of persons and stand between the subject and any attempted encroachments on his liberty by the executive" - Lord Atkin in Liversidge
"I view with apprehension the attitude of judges who on a mere question of construction when face to face with claims involving the liberty of the subject show themselves more executive minded than the executive." - Lord Atkin
Thanks to everyone who has shared this thread - I should have done this originally but here are the press summary and judgment if you want to read more:
Judgment (PDF) supremecourt.uk/cases/docs/uks…
Press summary (PDF) supremecourt.uk/cases/docs/uks…
If you want to hear more about the Liversidge case I quoted (Lord Atkin) from this post by @davidallengreen is excellent
Just reading this absolutely fascinating Lords debate on the 2008 amendment to the Public Health (Control of Disease) Act 1984 which inserted the part which has allowed for the Covid-19 regulations to be issued hansard.parliament.uk/Lords/2008-05-…
Vaccine passports (to access venues, jobs etc) are another difficult, almost paradoxical, COVID issue from a rights perspective. Can both interfere with (privacy, discrimination) and enable access to (gatherings, family, 'open society') rights. Not straightforward.
I pointed out a similar rights paradox (I realise that's not really the right word) about lockdown. If we had locked down earlier and more strictly, we may still have had 175 days of it (see previous tweets) but less disease and deaths. unherd.com/2021/02/the-da…
But 'current pain for future gain' is itself a slippery slope as a justification for policies, so needs to be carefully considered.
I heard an interesting podcast about how privacy concerns may have led to a missed opportunity for use of real time data with contact tracing apps
One of the sad and largely untold stories of the year-long lockdown is it has been illegal for many people who don’t live together to meet indoors, meaning many in relationships haven’t been able to meet. @susie_alegre makes good points in this article cityam.com/squeamish-mini…
This has in my view been a huge oversight by the govt which has responded to calls from, for example, people with babies under one who are lonely to be able to form a linked household. It would have been simple to allow people in established relationship to form linked households
Some gatherings are prohibited but if you read the law itself there are many exceptions including where reasonably necessary for:
- Work
- Volunteering
- Accessing social services
- Assisting vulnerable people
- Suport groups
- Avoiding harm..
First up is the new requirement to book tests on days 2 and 8 after arriving in the UK. The helpful explanatory memorandum is the third image.
Note that these are amendments to another regulation (legislation.gov.uk/uksi/2020/568/…) so very difficult to follow. As per usual. Inexcusable that these have been published *zero* working days before they come into force and will not be scrutinised by Parliament at all before they do