It is painfully apparent that the Universities Minister has not the faintest idea what "decolonising the curriculum" actually means. But this does suggest a problem with the term, which - as @DavidOlusoga warned last year - is easily misrepresented by bad-faith actors.
At its best, the project is about opening out, not cutting down or hiding away. As Olusoga says, it's about "making the curriculum tell everyone's stories".But the language used is commonly misrepresented (or more charitably, misunderstood) as one of purging, toppling & expelling
It's disorientating to be accused of "censoring", "photoshopping", "whitewashing" and "editing" the past, for trying to recover voices and experiences that were previously written out of it - not least by a govt that wants to stop heritage bodies talking about slavery and empire.
But universities have to recognise that they face a sustained political attack, which will drive legislation & funding, not just headlines. "Culture wars" are cheap & reap political rewards. So universities have to get better at explaining to the public what they're doing & why.
The history being taught in universities today is so much richer and more wide-ranging than when I was an undergraduate. It covers so much more of human experience, and can open students' eyes to so many different ways of living and thinking.
To defend and extend that achievement, it is worth at least asking whether a term that is so badly misunderstood outside the academy is still helpful, in describing the enriching, challenging and diversifying of knowledge from which our courses continue to benefit. END

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More from @redhistorian

18 Feb
"3 million people are estimated not to have official photo ID, with ethnic minorities more at risk". They will "have to contact their council to confirm their ID if they want to vote"

This is shameful legislation, that does nothing to tackle the problems with UK elections.THREAD
There is no evidence in-person voter fraud is a problem, and it wd be near-impossible to organise on an effective scale. Campaign finance violations, digital disinformation & manipulation of postal voting are bigger issues, but these are crimes of the powerful, not the powerless.
In a democracy, anything that makes it harder to vote - in particular, anything that disadvantages one group of voters - should face an extremely high bar. Compulsory voter ID takes a hammer to 3 million legitimate voters (disproportionately poor & BAME) to crack an imaginary nut
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25 Jan
The UK is sleepwalking towards a truly dangerous constitutional crisis, in which we no longer agree on how we make democratic decisions or on what constitutes a valid referendum. Its roots lie in the way that we use referendums - and time is running short to fix this. [THREAD]
2. The referendum is now the most powerful instrument in our democracy. Yet we have developed no agreed rules on when, how or by whom this mighty weapon should be deployed. That makes it an object of political struggle, rather than a means through which disagreements are resolved
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20 Jan
Lots of good advice here for anyone interviewing politicians for academic work. It reminds me of a student whose interviewee (a Labour grandee) began by ordering *two* bottles of wine - one each - "to get things started". The student never could remember what they'd talked about.
More abstracts should look like this.
I've had some great experiences interviewing politicians. Jim Sillars introduced me to the Tunnocks bar. Gyles Brandreth jumped the security cordon and showed me around the National Liberal Club, while a retired peer had spent the morning baking and wanted feedback on her work.
Read 4 tweets
17 Jan
If anyone thinks this is a good faith proposal, designed to secure democratic consent for changes to public monuments, let's look at what Robert Jenrick said four months ago about the procedures he is about to impose. [THREAD]
2. In a speech last September, Jenrick complained that "the planning system is broken". Only "1% of people" had "the esoteric knowledge to navigate [its] arcane and protracted world", shutting out those "who don’t have the time to contribute to the lengthy and archaic process".
3. If campaigners make it through that process (which Jenrick himself calls "as inconsistent as it is slow") more barriers lie ahead. "I will not hesitate to use my powers as Secretary of State" to enforce the view, to "be set out in law", that statues should "almost always" stay
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9 Jan
There are important differences between Trump and Johnson, but I'm wary of the idea that Johnson is "liberal" and Trump "authoritarian". I fear this overstates Johnson's "liberalism", and risks missing the warning lights that should now be flashing across British politics. THREAD
2. It's true that Johnson has a "libertarian" streak: he dislikes rules, taxes, "red tape", "do-gooders" and the "nanny state". But so does Trump. Indeed, Trump goes much further on this, presenting masks, lockdowns, gun control, taxes & environmentalism as a danger to "freedom".
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4 Jan
Quiz question: of which prime minister was it said, "the P.M. never moves until he is forced, and then it is usually too late"?

Answer: H.H. Asquith in World War One. It's a parallel that tells us something, I think, about Boris Johnson's current predicament.
Asquith was a lifelong Liberal - the last man to lead a wholly Liberal govt - but found himself dismantling the liberal state in the face of total war. Conscription, press censorship, unprecedented restrictions on personal freedom: all went against the politics he believed in.
Johnson lacks Asquith's intellectual depth, but faces a similar problem. The pandemic is shredding his whole approach to politics: the mockery of the "nanny state", the nose-thumbing at authority, the contempt for rules, and dislike of "do-gooders" who try to tell you what to do.
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