First, the payout is $50,000/year. Which... each year in prison may reduce life expectancy by up to two years. So the longer the unjust incarceration, the less likely the person will get the full (too-little) payout.
MS law doesn't pay for pre-trial detention, which... here?
Flowers has spent twenty years behind bars, but is only getting paid for ten. Guessing that must be because the incarcerations he endured between reversal and re-conviction don't "count."
I can see* the logic in the usual case, but... here? Seems distinctly unjust.
The logic, of course, is that pre-trial detention ALWAYS carries the risk of being wrong. It's ALL ABOUT locking ppl up before we know their guilt.
Ofc, if the state had to pay for its errors in all cases, maybe it'd think A LOT MORE CAREFULLY before upending someone's life.
So lots to say in defense of requiring the state to pay for incarcerations when there is an acquittal or reversal, for jail and prison alike.
But one can at least see the logic for the pre-trial exception. But seems deeply problematic here, even on those terms.
An update, which is arguably WORSE.* MS only pays you for the first ten years you spend unjustly locked up. Anything after that is... on... the person?
* That said, at least MS has this sort of regime in place. Not everywhere does.
You're a Good Samaritan. You bring some water bottles to a protest, both for people to drink, as well as to pour in people's eyes when the police launch tear gas that is banned in war but legal for domestic policies.
But you also know people might throw them.
Now, "knowing" is an important word here. Under the narrowest reading, you have to be practically certain (but not desire!) that they be used as a weapon.
A broader reading? You just have to be practically certain that they COULD be used as a weapon. Everyone meets this def.
Tho framed in the article as a restorative justice case, this sort of thing—charge, wait, programming, dismiss—is how the ENTIRE misdemeanor system in NYC operates.
So much of the “white ppl get this while Black ppl get that” outrage never specifies what the right outcome should be... which means we default to the usual mindless punitiveness for all.
If you are (1) unhappy but (2) want change, need to give a positive account of that future.
Second, to those saying “harshness to the Coopers is the path to leniency for all,” two questions:
1. That runs head-long into the one-way Willie Horton ratchet. Never easy to go back down. What would make this case different?
I’m always sort of bemused by how ppl praise the Portuguese law, given what it actually says.
Also, Portugal passes three things at once: possession law, universal basic income, big treatment expansion.
It wasn’t just “less punishment.” It was also “more services.”
Also, important to note the cultural differences. As @KeithNHumphreys always points out, PRE reform Portugal didn’t have a lot of ppl in for trafficking, so the underlying enforcement culture differed a lot... and bet that matters.
Now, TBF, the Feds rely on privates a lot more than the publics do--at nearly twice the rate (even though 76% of ppl in privates are held by the states). But still: 85% of Feds in publics!
But: don't see how this addresses racial equity, for two equally important reasons.
First, and less appreciated, if you're concerned abt racial impact of privatization in prisons, the PRISONS are not the thing to focus on.
Focus on Bob Barker (private commissary, and not that one), Securus (pay-phones), etc.
HUGE private fees w racially disparate impacts.
Second, no one ever seems to game out what closing the privates will do.
It reduces capacity, but there's a lot of excess capacity out there right now. Will the Feds just contract with, say, Texas (not a private! it's public!)?
And if they d cut back pops, who will be released?