New report out today: “Polls Apart? Mapping the Politics of Net Zero”. We’ve looked at public opinion data on climate action and find record levels of concern – but also real risk of growing political divisions. Thread (1/) @institutegcinstitute.global/policy/polls-a…
Recent polling data indicates high levels of concern, and there is currently consensus around climate change in the main parties’ positions – 95% of voters supported parties committed to net zero at the 2019 election. (2/)
We’ve explored how deep that concern is, and whether a political coalition to act on net zero can be built and maintained. (3/)
First, do people care about climate change? Concern is at record highs – and unlike after the financial crisis, we don’t see a fall in concern in response to Covid. Looks like climate change is here to stay as a major public concern. (4/)
Do people care in comparison to other issues? Increasingly, yes - the percentage who see climate change as one of the three biggest challenges has increased by almost 250 per cent. (5/)
The cliché is that climate change is mainly a concern for young/urban/middle-class voters – but data doesn’t back that up. Every demographic has seen concern up at least 10% since 2013- fastest rise among e.g. older voters (6/).
But we also looked at concern on the basis of values – and found important differences. (7/)
Socially conservative or ‘closed’ voters tend to be much less supportive of action on climate change than more socially liberal ‘open’ voters. This is a more important predictor than demographics or left/right views. (8/)
At the same time, party identification has been shifting on open/closed lines. Conservative voters are almost 6x more likely to have closed values; Labour supporters 2x more likely to have open values. (9/)
The data on climate echoes the Brexit debate - where a fragile consensus of the main parties in favour of EU membership was exploded after 2015, and voters split on the basis of values. (10/)
This means the new dividing lines of British politics threaten the development of a political coalition to support the action needed for net zero. The ground is fertile for climate change to become a divisive party political issue.(11/)
We see some of the seeds of that already – with political divisions on the proposed Cumbria coal mine, fuel duty, policies to reduce emissions from homes etc. Without careful political strategy and wide engagement, those divisions will only increase (12/).
What to do about it? Strengthen voters’ understanding of what net zero means; design policies in ways that appeal to voters with different values; create a strong, patriotic sense of national mission, but with local ownership of solutions; focus on growth and jobs. (13/)
So: reasons for optimism, but also for concern. Developing a unifying politics of the environment that speaks to the concerns of the large bulk of the electorate is perhaps the biggest long-term political challenge of our time. (/ends)
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Significant announcements from HMG today on industrial decarbonisation and cutting emissions from the public sector. Press notice seems to be out before the document, but some early thoughts… (1/)
The good: £1bn for public sector energy efficiency / low carbon heating is positive –public sector has to lead if business is to follow. Funding for industrial projects starts to put flesh on bones of “green industrial revolution” (but doesn’t look like new money). (2/)
The less good: HMG funding for net zero industry is important, but long-term business models are what really matters. Looks like the strategy will be light on detail on carbon pricing, competitiveness, decarbonising steel etc. More a set of ambitions than a plan. (3/)
Important debate emerging on the meaning of “net zero” and whether the risks of it being debased as a prompt for climate action mean we need a new language / objective. My view – having worked on the UK legislation – is that it’s worth fighting for, for three reasons.
First, net zero (rather than absolute zero) is the right objective. Absolute zero is not plausible in areas like aviation/agriculture – and it’s good that we have an incentive for development of negative emission technologies so we can reduce CO2 concentrations further in future.
Second, no matter what the terminology / objective, the problem that some people / orgs will try to debase the term, or present insufficient action as compliant with it, isn’t going away. So saying we have to be e.g. compliant with 1.5 degrees won’t solve the issue.
Ahead of Budget – my piece on why we’re having the wrong debate about fuel duty, and should be worrying more that £30bn of revenue is going to go in the next 15 years. Urgent need to focus on the alternatives, particularly road pricing. (1/) @InstituteGC institute.global/policy/we-need…
Fuel duty raises about £30 billion a year – and as well documented, hasn’t risen since 2010. Revenues are £10 billion lower, and carbon emissions up to 5% higher, as a result. (2/)
The rise of EVs means that c1/3 of the car fleet could avoid fuel duty by 2030 - meaning we lose £30bn revenue, increase congestion, and target motoring costs on the least able to pay. (3/)
New @institutegc report out today: “UK Net Zero Strategy – the 11 questions it must answer” – building on my experience from the last 3 HMG climate strategies (in particular the Clean Growth Strategy with @claireclimate@guynewey and others). (1/n) institute.global/policy/uks-net…
The UK has committed to a net zero strategy this year – great opportunity to set a template which the rest of the world can follow. But it’s not going to be easy. UK needs to cut emissions by 40% in ten years. If you think that sounds a lot – that’s because it is a lot. (2/n)
But the time is right: net zero can be central to our post-Brexit international role; businesses and the public are demanding action; costs are coming down; and net zero will define the 21st century economy. The work of @theCCCuk@ChiefExecCCC provides the basis. (3/n)
Great that the government is considering a strengthened approach to carbon pricing - but it's not a silver bullet. My thoughts: (1/4) @institutegcinstitute.global/policy/carbon-…
But tackling this is fraught with risk – I have less than fond memories of the “green crap” flurry in 2013… and gillets jaunes movement shows the risks of voter backlash. (3/4)