For the past 150 years, the filibuster was routinely used on anything touching civil rights. But go back to the beginning and look at today's claims that the filibuster (a word that, of course, did not yet exist until the mid-19th century) was somehow intrinsic to the Senate:
The people who were actually there at the beginning, even before the Constitution, knew empowering the minority to delay, disrupt, and effectively veto the majority was a recipe for disaster. From Robert Byrd's lectures on the history of the Senate:
Lo and behold, THE VERY FIRST SENATE that sat in 1789 had rules to prevent unlimited debate!
Remember, the early Senate was small–first barely twenty people, elites, generally collegial. Longwinded, sure, but generally disposed to work stuff out.
The key thing is the motion for the "previous question"–the motion that lets the majority to decide that they'd had enough debate and it was time to vote (by majority!) on the main item under consideration. Guess what? THE ORIGINAL SENATE HAD A MOTION FOR THE PREVIOUS QUESTION!
So all these claims that the filibuster is intrinsic to the Senate and unlimited debate a treasure of the founders is pure bunk. There WAS a way to cut off debate, by majority vote, in the original Senate, just as there was in the House.
So what happened to it? Funny you should ask.
It can't all be hung on him, but when he left the Vice Presidency in 1805, Aaron Burr argued that the previous question should be gotten rid of as just unnecessary. It was hardly used so why keep it around!?
So the Senate got rid of it. They were gentlemen and would find a way to debate and legislate without undue delay. Sure, sometimes someone would delay a vote for one reason or another, but eventually they would get addressed.
But after Burr, the Senate no longer had the backstop of cutting off debate. And until cloture was introduced in 1917, there was simply no backstop. Cloture then required a 2/3 majority of voting Senators; in 1949 it was relaxed to 2/3 of the whole Senate.
In 1970, partly under then-Whip Byrd's leadership, the system was reversed to what we have today-60 votes to advance a motion rather than 67 votes but not requiring the "talking" filibuster, which prevented any other Senate business from taking place.
It sounded more efficient, and it was, but even with the lowered threshold for cloture, it made it easier for the minority to derail legislation that the majority supported.
But contra Aaron Burr over two centuries ago, it's probably a bad idea to entrust your legislative system to the gentlemanly behavior of a passionate minority without allowing the majority to actually get its business done.
Just another irony here, as I was quoting from Robert Byrd (who delivered 1,500 pages worth of lectures about the history of the Senate when he was Minority Leader & had time on his hands)...
this is the Byrd of the Byrd Rule that is invoked by filibuster defenders as the only permissible exception to filibusters for the purposes of approving filibuster-proof reconciliation bills. Byrd, of all people, understood that the history of the filibuster was about power.
He knew (and lectures about!) all the ways it had changed over time, both in mechanism and in practice, all the ways it had been used by recalcitrant minorities to stymie majority rule, the way it originated pretty much by accident and not design.
And he helped design the process to weaken its power. He knew it was not a divine object. When it became more a tool of minority obstruction than an occasional utility, it was time to change it. This was the case in the 1970s and it’s the case now.
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I mean, sure. But more importantly, is there *any* threshold for someone to be able to genuinely and sincerely apologize for past mistakes, especially as a teenager–and yes, that includes saying racist things–and be able to be accepted back into society?
The problem with "never tweet" is that it reveals the problem is just producing evidence of immaturity that all of us go through at some point but many–hopefully most–grow out of.
You probably said things you wish you hadn't as a teenager. I sure did. But should the consequences really be worse only because there's Twitter now?
I think the most remarkable thing about this whole debate is not conservative grandstanders and media reading from still-to-be-published Seuss books while studious ignoring the ones being taken out of print. Or the conflation of copyright owner choices with public censorship.
It's the absence of libraries in these discussions. Public libraries, academic libraries–these books are not locked up. They are still there. And if you're afraid about your libraries losing books, fund them better.
I'll spare you the whole text but it's about as embarrassing and juvenile as you'd expect whitehouse.gov/presidential-a…
Also the suggestion that the NEH and NEA should take $14 million each from their paltry $167 million budgets to build statues instead of supporting genuine arts and scholarship is damning.
Infrastructure week has become a joke but the reality is we’ve squandered a decade of historically cheap financing because free market ideologues in the Republican party don’t believe in public goods or that government can help people.
Fwiw, I love the DC Metro. I always have. I love the architecture, the convenience, the easy access to downtown from the MD and VA suburbs, the overall cleanliness (really!), the environmental benefit over driving, & the reliability (overheated summer tracks notwithstanding).
Very true thread. Depending on the institution and program, an ABD candidate with few publications but stellar dissertation chapters and a lot of promise can be more appealing than a candidate with a demonstrated publishing record. Also....
I think it is under-discussed how search committees will weigh, however informally, whether a candidate is likely to stay at their institution or jump ship if given the opportunity.
It's a totally unfair thing to consider. But people do it.
And if you think you'll never get to make another higher, gaming this out is rational (if still liable to lead you to the wrong choice).