Biden’s pitch on public investment. It’s not just a misrepresentation of the US–China conflict. It’s also a child’s conceptualization of the global crisis of democracy: USA=democracy, but no one will like us if we’re not big and strong! And then they won’t want to be like us! 1/ Image
As this and endless versions of the same op-ed show, the US elite does not take democracy seriously. Rule by the people requires not just a periodic option to vote but, first, a meaningful choice—real differences among candidates leading to different outcomes in governance. 2/
And second, it requires that the voters, outside the one day they get to cast a ballot, are living lives that equip them with the self-confidence, knowledge, status, and sense of belonging in the community to make participation in politics both desirable and meaningful. 3/
This is a substantive concept of democracy as opposed to the merely formal concept of voting+free speech. The crucial distinction is nowhere to be seen in the repetitious discussions of why democracy is in retreat. 4/
Yet this is the essence of the problem: under neoliberal globalization, the growth of political liberalism around the world—including in China!—proceeded in tandem with the steady erosion of the social conditions required for genuine democracy. 5/
Corruption, the dismantling of organized labor, and business capture made candidates largely indistinguishable and their promises for change empty. No matter who you voted for, they didn’t address the chronic instability afflicting people. 6/
Deepening exploitation and inequality shaped lives in ways that disempowered and marginalized a growing number of people just as surely as if they lived under formally autocracy. 6/
In other words, the social foundations for democracy are rotting within each country. The only solution is a *global* egalitarian politics to confront exclusion and restructure economic growth—integrating people into society and empowering them to participate in ruling it. 7/
Instead we get this idea: one major country marked by extreme inequality and exclusion leads the democracy team, facing off against another major country marked by extreme inequality and exclusion that leads the autocracy team. 8/
If the corporations of the democracy-country preserve domination of high profit sectors of the global economy, and if the military of the democracy-country preserves domination of the autocracy-country’s immediate vicinity, then democracy wins! 9/
The Biden team is edging toward the kind of economic policy *at home* that might revive genuine democracy in the US. However, that’s not an end in itself but a means to the end of defending US global hegemony—which is their definition of democracy. 10/
If Biden pulls this off it’s still an open question how it plays out domestically because great power conflict will also strengthen the enemies of democracy in the US—nativists, white nationalists, militarists, the GOP. 11/
What’s not in question is what it does to the rest of the world. If reviving the US economy is premised on suppressing that of China and no second thought to impact on others, then showing democracy works in the US will profoundly deepen the crisis of democracy globally. /12

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More from @jwdwerner

13 Mar
The liberal international order, functioning as designed on the single most consequential question it faces right now. I guess India and South Africa are sinister revisionist powers. 1/
law360.com/lifesciences/a…
If we want to understand what’s going on in the world, the dominant US foreign policy framing dividing the world between democracies and autocracies is not very useful. As this episode illustrates, it’s the rich vs poor divide that is more often the salient distinction. 2/
The dominant ideology is so powerful and blinding that when someone in the US says “the democracies”, it’s almost always coterminous with the rich, former colonial countries. It’s frequently used in situations that obviously do not include most of the world’s democracies. 3/
Read 8 tweets
11 Mar
1. The main thing happening here is everyone dressing up their pet priorities in anti-China rhetoric because, as Douglas Holtz-Eakin says, “Hating China is a big bipartisan thing”. But underneath the opportunism there’s a very dangerous substantive issue.
washingtonpost.com/us-policy/2021…
2. We should celebrate the breakdown of the neoliberal prohibition on setting economic priorities openly and democratically. But what’s emerging in its place is a bipartisan consensus around a nationalist industrial policy to hoard scarce global growth for the US.
3. Even those in the executive branch—the home of universal considerations—seem to have given up thinking about how the interests of the US could be aligned with the interests of the rest of the world, offering instead only scaremongering on China to try to bring others along.
Read 7 tweets
30 Jan
Good news! Western commentators too often conflate Xi’s centralization with his reactionary politics. These need to be conceptually separated—in China and around the world—because progressive politics also requires overcoming fragmented politics, but for very different ends.
A big reason Western commentators interpret centralization under Xi as nothing but authoritarianism is that don’t really know anything about how the Chinese state has operated for the last forty years. So a crude stereotype of monolithic Oriental despotism fills in the gap. 2/
In fact the state became highly fractured among jurisdictions and within officials (their public duties at odds with their private interests). What Xi is attempting with the anti-corruption and Party discipline campaigns is to regain the center’s ability to impose priorities. 3/
Read 4 tweets
14 Jul 19
Quite a troubling piece from János Kornai: life in China “had frozen under Mao”; Western liberals naïvely brought the spark of life (market reform), inadvertently causing “the resurrection of the Chinese monster”; the West must now destroy the monster. 1/
ft.com/content/f10ccb…
It's hard to read the Frankenstein metaphor as anything other than a claim about the racial or civilizational essence of China. What’s interesting is the tension within the piece between the remnant abstract universalism of liberalism, still the conscious commitment, and the 2/
emergent culturalism, which has now become the real (though still unconscious) substance of the thinking. That’s best seen here, where the disavowal of the obvious consequences of his point serves as a crude screening device to escape awareness of his betrayal of liberalism. 3/
Read 4 tweets

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