This excellent column by @paulkrugman evokes the "Committee on Research in Economic History" founded in 1940 and tasked with showing that New Deal era government-economic development projects were deeply in the American grain, not a dangerous departure./1
nytimes.com/2021/04/01/opi…
As I discuss in FREE ENTERPRISE:AN AMERICAN HISTORY, this group sought to promote scholarship that exposed the myth of laissez faire and showed “public spending to be a long-standing political tradition.” /2
In a special 1943 issue of the JOURNAL OF ECONOMIC HISTORY called "The Tasks of Economic History," and in a number of influential monographs, leading scholars--including Louis Hartz and Oscar Handlin--published state-focused studies that offered evidence for these claims./3
In his article, “Laissez-Faire Thought in Massachusetts, 1790-1880,” Handlin wrote, “A common misconception...ascribes a continuous laissez-faire bent to policy in the United States. Yet in general and specifically, as applied to Massachusetts, this is completely erroneous.” /4
He concluded: “The issues...of American economic policy...were not whether the government had or had not a role in the economy, but, what was to be the character of its role, what agencies were to exercise it, who was to control it, and in whose interests it was to operate."/5
In his article “Laissez Faire Thought in Pennsylvania, 1776-1880,” Louis Hartz came to similar conclusions. As he put it, calling to mind the important work of @MazzucatoM, “the government itself became an important entrepreneur in economic life.” /6
In his piece, “Laissez Faire in Georgia,” Milton Heath wrote, “I have been able to discover in this period of Georgia’s history almost no advocacy or discussion of the doctrine of laissez faire as such." /7
Handlin and Hartz, in particular, argued that the idea that laissez-faire thought and practice were central was an invented tradition of the late 19th century. "It is distinctly a latter-day creation," as Hartz put it./8
Hartz wrote of the period he studied that far more important than a theory that justified opposition to government spending and regulation is understanding the “theory which sanctioned it." /9
Hartz, Handlin, and Heath all published books that extended the research and argument of their articles. Heath's was called, "Constructive Liberalism
The Role of the State in Economic Development in Georgia to 1860," published in 1954. /10
hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?is…
Hartz published "Economic Policy and Democratic Thought: Pennsylvania, 1776-1860" in 1948. /11
hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?is…
Most influential of all was "Commonwealth
A Study of the Role of Government in the American Economy: Massachusetts, 1774–1861," by Oscar Handlin and Mary Flug Handlin. /12
hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?is…
In the preface to the revised ed., the Handlins say laissez faire was “hardly meaningful” and “no guide to action; and even as an abstract proposition it did not make itself felt until the development of economics as an academic profession in the United States after 1880.”/13
They also reflect on the mission of the Committee on Economic History as seeking to find a usable past (my term, not theirs): “Our task, we thought, was to discover instances of intrusion by the state, in an area originally free of its intervention.”/14
They noted that "the experience of the depression and the broadening scope of state action after World War I had challenged classical assumptions.” /15
It's not hard to see the parallels between the moment when the Committee on Economic History set about it's work and our own time, when the pandemic and subsequent social and economic crises has led many people to recalibrate their thinking about the importance of government./16
As usual, @ThePlumLineGS has written a historically-informed indispensable column on the current debate about infrastructure, citing the work of @delong @Jacob_S_Hacker and @MikeGrunwald, which addresses many of these issues./17
washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/…

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More from @LarryGlickman

26 Mar
Interesting that neither the obit in the WaPo or the Times mentions Brock's role as RNC Chair in helping to found the journal, "Common Sense: A Republican Journal of Thought and Opinion." /1
nytimes.com/2021/03/25/us/…
When I interviewed Bill Brock in May 2018, he told me that he thought of his work as RNC Chair as "the most meaningful work I've ever done," emphasizing both outreach and openness to ideas./2
He also told me that the GOP "focus on social issues has made us limited" and that, too often, "we define our opponents as immoral."/3
Read 6 tweets
14 Mar
Terrific article by ⁦@jimtankersley⁩ and ⁦@JasonDeParle⁩ on the transformational nature of the Biden relief plan. I continue, however, to question the framing of backlashes as a reflexive response “generated” by, in their example, the 2009 Obama stimulus. 1/
I disagree with this framing at least for 2 reasons. First, The claim that the “law could provoke a backlash” denies agency to those who participate in backlashes and attributes the causal factor to be demands for equal rights or progressive legislation. /2
Second, the history of backlashes shows them to often be pre-emptive rather than reactive. To take one example, the so-called “white backlash” to the Civil Rights Movement got its name In 1963, a year before the passage of the Civil Rights Act. /3
Read 5 tweets
9 Mar
What I'd add to this great @jbouie piece is that despite a lot of hype about divisions between "populist" and pro-business flanks, the GOP is remarkably ideologically uniform, witness the unanimity on repealing ACA, Trump's tax cut, and Biden's ARP. nytimes.com/2021/03/09/opi…
Remember that in Trump's CPAC speech, he defined the living heartbeat of Trumpism as "low taxes and eliminating job-killing regulations," and Ohio's Josh Mandel conflated a "Trump America First Agenda" with "economic freedom and individual liberty." /2
rev.com/blog/transcrip…
In other words, even the faux populism is fading and we are getting a convergence of Trumpism with long-term GOP orthodoxy, which existed in practice during the Trump years, if not always in rhetoric. /3
Read 4 tweets
4 Mar
In her CPAC speech, Kristi Noem quoted a JFK speech from 1962 as evidence of "a time when both political parties clung to certain fundamental principles" and before Ronald Reagan was forced from the Democratic Party. This is humorous for two reasons./1
rev.com/blog/transcrip…
First, because Reagan joined the GOP in 1962, the exact year of JFK's speech./2
Second, a few years earlier Reagan wrote of JFK to Nixon: "Under the tousled boyish haircut it is still old Karl Marx -- first launched a century ago. There is nothing new in the idea of a government being Big Brother to us all." /3
upi.com/Archives/1984/…
Read 5 tweets
3 Mar
Trump's definition of "Trumpism" at CPAC showed the mistake of assuming that he carved out a distinct ideological path for the GOP. His message was more boilerplate conservative than "populist." /1
"It means low taxes and eliminating job-killing regulations," he said. He also mentioned strong borders, law and order, and "great trade deals." Only the latter can be seen as a divergence from mainstream conservatism./2
While he has been (inaccurately) said to have "outlanked" Democrats, his invocation of the "slippery slope" was even more extreme than typical postwar GOP rhetoric: "We will fight the onslaught of radicalism, socialism, and indeed it all leads to communism once and for all."/3
Read 5 tweets
2 Mar
Commenters has been making similar observations for almost sixty years./1 washingtonpost.com/opinions/the-g…
In 1963, Joe Alsop wrote, “a Goldwater candidacy will automatically make the Republican Party into the ‘white man’s party’.” /2
Robert Novak offered similar analysis in his 1965 book, THE AGONY OF THE GOP, 1964. /3
Read 6 tweets

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