One of the defining features of the modern House—for both better and worse, but in balance for worse—is the ability of young members to get national media attention and thus viably pursue public sphere political strategies. It’s shaping so many aspects of the institution.
It’s obvious enabling the asshat caucus, but it’s also affecting candidates, the ambition structure, the parties, the retirements, the policy sphere, and the governing capacity, and so much more.
I think it’s pretty directly tied to the retirement of policy-keen members (as outlined in this thread). We’ve always had *some* showhorses in the House, but now there are more, and of a totally different, national character.
Like, if you wanted national attention as a freshman in 1985, it was almost impossible. Take a stand against a war your party supported. Or commit a felony. Otherwise, no national press. Now many have national fundraising and media and policy networks.
That’s not all bad! But IMO it is contributing to the dysfunction of the House in a pretty big way.

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More from @MattGlassman312

16 Mar
One wild thing about the pandemic is that, because of the unbelievable speed and success of vaccine development, decades from now the entire pandemic might come to be seen as largely a huge public health success. 1/
Despite all the various strategic, tactical, and execution failures of 2020---logistical, political, and cultural---and the huge tragedy of half a million dead and counting, we will likely be bailed out by an amazing scientific achievement. 2/
One upshot: be careful how you look at history, especially when using it to judge the present. It's good to remember that even huge successes---like the allied victory in World War II---were on a day-to-day basis complete shitshows. We aren't as inept right now as we appear.
Read 5 tweets
16 Mar
This is, of course, plausible. On the other hand, the filibuster has been nuked---the term came from the threatened and expected reaction of the minority---on executive and judicial branch nominations, and there really wasn't much minority reaction at all.
The other problem with this is that once you nuke the legislative filibuster, it's going to be really easy to change other rules to prevent all the obstruction techniques that currently would, indeed, bring the Senate to a standstill.
There's just no majority party I can imagine that would nuke the filibuster but still leave in place a system that required unanimous consent to conduct routine business if people were taking advantage of it for dilatory reasons.
Read 4 tweets
9 Mar
More broadly, the suspension calendar has always been a place where the minority in the House could express more general grievances. Because suspensions require 2/3 to pass, the minority has always had the power to "shut down suspensions" if they are annoyed about other things.
This looks like it's coming from MTG/Freedom Caucus, but there also appears to be a more general disgruntlement among the House GOP (beyond the usual minority whining), so maybe there's a broader consent to frustrating the suspension calendar. Image
As @JonLipe notes, shutting down suspensions hurts Republicans too, since they get a share of the non-controversial suspension bills. So it's usually just a threat/symbolic move to do it; the pain doesn't simply reside with the majority.
Read 4 tweets
7 Mar
This. The downside of any talking filibuster is that it destroys your ability to dual-track. And then you are right back to hoping you can wait people out while the rest of your agenda withers. 1/
Now maybe you can flip the pressure by forcing 41 to stay on the floor. That’s theoretically a lot easier than the impossible task of keeping the *majority* near the floor to answer quorum calls while a handful of opponents conduct the filibuster. 2/
But I’m actually not sure it’s any better. Can’t the 41 just force a quorum call and then abandon the floor, forcing the majority to still produce the whole quorum? There are tricky questions like this that might make any of these plans quite difficult.
Read 4 tweets
4 Mar
A reminder that there are thousands of people who work on the Hill in non-partisan jobs, who tirelessly work to make the place function.

Of course today I'm thinking of reading clerks and parliamentarians, but there are many others. 1/

#NonpartisanStaff #FirstBranch
My favorites were always the leg counsel staff. These saints take any crazy idea you have scribble on a napkin and figure out how to both say it in legalese, and also find every spot in the US Code that needs adjustment. Usually they'll accidentally help you improve it. 2/
Of course, I also love the people at CRS. Now that I don't work there, I find myself using their research on almost a daily basis, it truly is the secret to knowing (or pretending to know) what you are talking about in any congressional discussion/debate. 3/
Read 7 tweets
4 Mar
I've long thought that the secret to quickly destroying minority obstruction in the Senate was for a pro-reform Senator to go sit at his/her desk and object to every UC, without end. They'd have to reform the place, or expel you. It just can't function under the actual rules.
Now maybe they could reform around your objections and maintain the vital structures of obstruction. But if you make them read amendments, finish quorum calls, have morning hour, read the journal, prevent cmmtes, etc, it's gonna be tough to undercut you w/o a reform floodgate.
Note that I'm not saying this is a good idea. I just always thought an intense faction would (and may still) develop that would force the issue before an actual majority slowly coalesced around nuking the legislative filibuster.
Read 6 tweets

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