Thread by @KeaneBhatt

As 75+ House Democrats demand that the U.S. use its leverage to compel the Saudis to lift their blockade on Yemen, Vox details a debate unfolding on whether the U.S. still supports the war and blockade. I argue, yes, in any reasonable sense, it does: vox.com/2021/4/9/22375… (1/x)

Since Jan., the Saudis’ military strategy involved quietly imposing a fuel blockade on Yemen while touting its own peace entreaties to the Houthis. But rehashed Saudi ceasefire proposals were political nonstarters “clearly designed to appease the US” (2/x) responsiblestatecraft.org/2021/03/23/sau…

The Saudi public-relations tactic worked for months, shielding the ongoing blockade—“an offensive military operation that kills civilians” per CIA veteran and Brookings scholar Bruce Riedel—from broader public scrutiny. brookings.edu/blog/order-fro… (3/x)

When CNN's @nimaelbagir and @jaketapper showed on March 10 that the Saudi blockade led to deadly fuel and food shortages in Yemen, starving children, U.S. envoy to Yemen Tim Lenderking effectively denied blockade's existence and obfuscated its impact. cnn.com/videos/tv/2021… 4/x

Lenderking asserted that Houthi obstruction was “the main reason” for fuel not entering Yemen and endorsed the Saudi stance that negotiations over its already-rejected ceasefire framework were the forum where the blockade could be “addressed and resolved.” (5/x)

But @WFPChief David Beasley refuted U.S. envoy Lenderking, saying “we’ve turned a corner with the Houthis…in terms of cooperation, collaboration” on aid distribution, and the Saudi “blockade must be lifted, as a humanitarian act.” apnews.com/article/corona… (6/x)

Keep in mind: CNN’s explosive finding that the Saudi blockade was “U.S. supported” never needed correction or retraction; there’s no sign the White House or State Department objected to the description or provided contrary evidence. (7/x)

Lenderking’s response to CNN, echoing Saudi arguments, was part of a longstanding U.S. political and diplomatic campaign. 70 advocacy organizations noted that no Biden official had publicly acknowledged or criticized the Saudi blockade: fcnl.org/updates/2021-0… (8/x)

Even as UN noted zero fuel was being allowed into Hodeidah, Sec. Blinken said the Saudis were “committed and eager” to find a solution, inculpated only Houthis for prolonging war, and said Houthi deescalation a “necessary first step” for peace. (9/x) state.gov/secretary-anto…

On March 16, US Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield echoed Sec. Blinken’s position, ignoring the Saudi blockade and insisting “there can be no ceasefire and no peace if the Houthis keep up their daily attacks against the Yemeni people, Saudi Arabia...” (10/x)

On March 24, @StateDeptSpox Ned Price said free flow of fuel is critical—a general comment, a truism—*not* a criticism of the Saudi blockade. He pivoted quickly to Houthi offensives and a comprehensive ceasefire. (11/x)

After a major outcry, the Saudis allowed in a small fraction of the hundreds of thousands of metric tons of fuel still waiting offshore. @StateDeptSpox applauded, then dodged the logical next step of calling for easing the blockade further. cnn.com/2021/03/25/mid… (12/x)

In my view, this all amounts to a concerted, deliberate diplomatic campaign by the U.S. to provide political cover for the prolonged use of this Saudi war tactic, even as the UN and WFP pleaded for the blockade to be lifted independently of a ceasefire. (13/x) #YemenCantWait

Former Republican S.C. governor, @WFPChief David Beasley, has resorted to private appeals to House Foreign Affairs Dems to decouple the need to lift the blockade from ceasefire negotiations. Why would he do this if the White House already supported him? nytimes.com/2021/04/06/us/…

In August 2018, the UN Human Rights Council’s Group of Eminent Experts concluded that the Saudi blockade amounts to a war crime:
ohchr.org/Documents/Coun… (15/x)

U.S. diplomatic efforts in support of the Saudi blockade strategy is a matter of public record. U.S. operational/military support in enforcing the blockade is likely, as Bruce Riedel points out at the 44-min mark here: (16/x)

Two+ months ago, 41 Reps. asked for answers on U.S. military participation in the blockade and the nature of the announced end to supporting Saudi offensive actions in Yemen. The White House has not responded. (17/x) theintercept.com/2021/04/07/bid…

Saudi warplanes enforcing the aerial blockade through bombings and the threat of bombings, are 75% U.S.-supplied and get an ongoing flow of U.S. spare parts, maintenance, and logistics to fly. This was never congressionally authorized. Congress voted to terminate it. (18/x)

“If the U.S. ceased logistical support tonight, the Royal Saudi Air Force would be grounded tomorrow morning,” says Riedel. If President Biden accedes to Congress, he has enormous leverage to call on the Saudis to unilaterally, comprehensively and immediately #EndTheBlockade 19/x

If the White House does not heed the calls of members of Congress urging it to reverse its current course, the Saudi blockade will help kill 400,000 Yemeni children and 16 million civilians on the brink of starvation this year. 20/x reuters.com/article/yemen-…

If the administration is not responsive, Congress has tools to compel an end to U.S. support for the blockade by invoking and effectuating its authorities under Article I of the Constitution, the 1973 War Powers Act, and its power of the purse via appropriations. 21/x

In addition to the 2019 War Powers Resolution to end illegal participation in Saudi hostilities, the House passed an NDAA amendment by 240-185, specifically cutting logistics, maintenance, and spare parts for Saudi warplanes which currently help enforce the aerial blockade: 22/x

As a possible administration response is readied to the Dingell-Pocan-Khanna 75-member letter this week, lawmakers will be looking out for a commitment to remove the blockade as a Saudi bargaining chip in negotiations, a tactic that will kill tens of thousands more people. (23/x)