1. This thread is in honour of one of the iconic cases in Zimbabwean Family Law, reported in 1984. The father of a woman had sued for seduction damages from the man. The lower courts had ruled in his favour but the man appealed to the Supreme Court
2. The Supreme Court ruled that the Legal Age of Majority Act, passed in 1982 (LAMA) had liberated black women from their old status as perpetual minors under customary law. A father no longer had a right to claim seduction damages for a daughter who had reached 18 years.
3. It’s probably hard to imagine it now but LAMA & the judgment were pretty revolutionary for black women. Before, a black woman was a minor under the guardianship of her father or husband. She could not enter into any contracts, including marriage without her guardian’s consent.
4. LAMA meant at 18 a black woman acquired full legal capacity & the power to enter into any contract. The SC reasoned that if a woman could now marry without her father’s consent, the father had also lost the right to demand payment of lobola before the marriage.
5. In the past, since the father’s consent was necessary, a woman’s marital fate was entirely in her father’s hands. He could withhold consent until the prospective husband paid lobola. A woman’s body & choice were controlled by the father & afterwards by her husband.
6. In theory, seduction damages were based on the reduction in value of the lobola that the father was entitled to per customary law. However, the SC reasoned, since LAMA had done away with lobola, the basis for seduction damages had also fallen away. A father had lost the right.
7. If the woman wanted to sue for seduction damages from the man, she was entitled to do so in her own right. It was her choice. Chief Justice Dumbutshena made some bold comments regarding lobola which at the time were considered radical & sparked a huge debate.
8. The CJ wrote, “As I see it, what the Legal Age of Majority Act has done with regard to roora is this: The major daughter will say to her father, “Father I want to get married. You have no right to stop me. I do not require your consent because I have majority status.”
9. “... But if you want lobola you are free to negotiate with my prospective husband. If he agrees to pay roora that is a contract, an agreement between you and my prospective husband If he refuses to pay roora, I shall go ahead with my marriage”.
10. The SC decision resulted in a huge hullabaloo in the media, Parliament and society in general. For many men, it was unthinkable that lobola was no longer a legal right. CJ Dumbutshena and the SC had taken a brave step to challenge one of the key institutions of patriarchy.
11. When the then Prime Minister, Robert Mugabe was asked in Parliament to comment on the judgement he said if there were errors in the drafting of the law, they would be corrected. There were many calls to amend LAMA to “rescue” the institution of lobola & save “culture”.
12. During his response Mugabe joked that if his sister were to get married, he would demand lobola and if the man raised the Katekwe judgement in defence, he would say: ”O.K. That is the judgement. Do you want to marry my sister or not?” Probably to much laughter in Parliament.
13. Much has happened since the revolutionary Katekwe judgment. There have been some lows in later Supreme Courts where advances for gender equality have been negated. But Katekwe was quite a phenomenon for its time. That was an era of a rights-conscious Supreme Court.
14. Acknowledgement: I have had the advantage of refreshing my memory of Katekwe & have taken the Liberty to extract relevant quotes from a 1984 article written by my old prof @Welshman_Ncube in the Zimbabwe Law Review.
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1. Clash of generations: there’s a generation that remembers a Zimbabwe of high standards; a country that worked & had promise. There’s a generation of young adults with no such memory. Their universe was shaped by falling standards; a Zimbabwe that doesn’t work; without promise
2. One generation remembers a Zimbabwe where buses had a time-table & ran on time; cities where running water & electricity were the norm; a Zimbabwe where the milkman left milk bottles at the gate & the postman delivered letters in the box & the Zimbabwe Dollar was proper money.
3. For the other generation, queuing for water at the borehole is normal. For the bucket generation, the bathtub & shower are exceptions. Mushikashika. Kungwavhangwavha. Potholed roads. Dark streets. It’s the norm. It came into a world without things that others take for granted
1. I sincerely hope this was not a mere show Senator @DMwonzora which covers a done deal with ZANU PF whereby some MDC-T Senators will vote for the illegal amendment but for once in a long time you spoke like the constitution-builder that you were. openparly.com/index.php/2021…
2. I’m still at a loss however as to why, with your constitutional campus still intact, you voted for the first amendment which was non-existent & obviously illegal. The illegality you’re rightly complaining of now re the second affects everything under that illegal amendment.
3. As such, powerful as this speech appears to be in defence of the Constitution, it is akin to shutting the stable doors after the horses have bolted. If your vote for the first amendment was tactical, it was ill-advised because it should have come with a concession.
1. This letter is from 1897. It was written by Njube, son of King Lobengula. Njube, in the middle, had been sent away to Cape Town by Cecil John Rhodes after the conquest of the Ndebele nation. In this picture he is with his brothers Mpezeni & Nguboyenja.
2. In this letter, Njube was pleading with Rhodes to be allowed to return home. He wanted to be with his people and to learn his language, he wrote. He wanted to be with mother. A proud young man, he expresses embarrassment at having to ask for money from Rhodes.
3. Njube had been taken away by Rhodes ostensibly to be educated in Cape Town, but the real fear was that he would provide a rallying point for his people who would proclaim him successor to his father. Njube didn’t like the forced exile as the letter shows.
1. I was always intrigued by the acronym “AVM” since I was a boy. My search led me to a beautiful history of this bus model & why it deserves a high place amongst the greats of Zimbabwe. I wrote it in a recent BSR but here’s one for the Twitter market.
2. Before the 1960s, bus supplies were largely imported from Britain with Leyland being the dominant company. When Ian Smith declared independence in 1965 (UDI), Rhodesia faced UN sanctions & British supplies dried up. There had to be a new plan, as was the case in other areas.
3. Dahmer Pvt Ltd had been formed in 1961. It took on the challenge of developing the AVM as a “home-produced vehicle” which was mass produced from 1974 (White, 2016). Dahmer was now a Lonrho subsidiary. It started as a short model carrying 64 passengers before rising to 76.
1. A few weeks ago I received a DM from an obscure account. It made reference to challenges that Zimbabwean students in India were facing. I checked the account & saw that it had written similar pleas to Secretary Ndaba Mangwana at Information & Publicity.
2. I wasn’t sure but my instinct pushed me to believe there was something to it. I wrote back and eventually some of the students wrote to confirm after I tweeted a request for further information. It was true. Things were not well & the situation was desperate.
3. When their plight was raised here, government took notice & activated measures to address it. But that wasn’t before others within tried to pretend all was well. I would like to acknowledge in particular the Treasury Secretary @GGuvamatanga for stepping up on this occasion
1. You would think it’s safer at the bank. But ask Stone Beattie Studio. It deposited US$142K at CABS. Few years later government decreed it was now ZWL142K, a tiny fraction of its value. CABS refused to pay the USD citing the law. The Supreme Court agreed. Isn’t that a heist?
2. The question editor & homeboy, is not why people carry large sums BUT why some people still deposit money at the bank. Because the difference between the street robber and the banker is that one has the authority of the state by law to rob. But truth is, both rob other people
3. It is a sign of a dysfunctional financial and economic system when individuals prefer to keep such money in person rather than at the bank. It’s not just currency laws & lack of trust. It’s the extortionate bank charges, the cumbersome, inefficient & rude service provision.