Our #laws522 postgrad class @VicUniWgtn convenes today to dive into and critique some hot public law scholarship — ideas, anatomy, argument and context. Always an exciting (and heady) day! 🤓
First up @PeterTMcKenzie, grappling with McLean’s sketch of NZ’s political (“insider, elite”) constitution - and the threat from legalism. #laws522
Next, @HannahReynecke dips into Harlow’s piece on the (redundant?) public—private divide — and challenges in bridging the spheres, esp in context of digitisation. (But what of te Tiriti?)
Next, #Olivia leads us through @jenraso’s important work on administrative justice — reminding us of the need to interrogate the street-bureaucracy and the value of the socio-legal lens.
And @ALMarshallNZ explores @GeiringerC’s piece on the migration of constitutional ideas — through a case study of the role John Hart Ely’s thinking played in the design of the NZ Bill of Rights (and some of the insider elites’ subsequent amnesia…).
After our cuppa, Georgia takes us through Ruru & Kahu-Morris’ invitation for constitutional transformation to ground Te Tiriti at the heart — woven in song: Maranga Ake Ai. 🎶
Next, @maisybentley deconstructs the argument by @ad_perry and @AdamJTucker about the genesis of constitutional conventions — and the bottom-up versus top-down rule-of-recognition debate.
And Cate follows with a powerful but diplomatic critique of Loughlin’s address on the political constitution — and how legal thinkers have played around with the idea since Griffith.
Next, @NicolaWalsh1999 chaperones us through the enforceability of manner-and-form provisions, as explained by @timshiels & Geddis — their take on the thinking about procedural entrenchment, esp post-Ngaronoa.
Next, Emma picks up @MamariStephens’ wonderful article on Māori constitutional culture — seen, in part, through the lens of the legal Māori corpus. Interesting reflections on the power of the project, both in this particular piece and more generally.
And Natalie takes us through an article by an “unnamed author” on contextual review — critiquing the way it showcases instinctive review and measures it against a Fullerian rule-of-law framework. No awkwardness at all. 😎
Next, Alex dives into @pauldalyesq’s article on admin law values, reflecting on the way it seeks to reveal underlying values in common law judicial review doctrine.
Now, @MallochHanna grapples with @bchristophjones’ thought-provoking article on constitutional guardians — and the role that law drafters and parliamentary clerks might play in enduring constitutional propriety.
And Jess dips into our final piece, from @ProfMarkElliott on the constitutional politics of Miller 2 — reflecting on the way the article makes its claims about the soundness of the decision.
A quick recap on New Zealand’s constitutional brouhaha this week about the election date, as requested by some abroad. /1
Election day was scheduled for 19 Sep 2020. In accordance with a developing convention (?), the PM had announced this date well in advance, in late January. /2
Despite the pandemic, progress towards that date was going full steam ahead — esp as NZ had avoided community cases of Covid for several months. Campaigns were launched. Arrangements were made for campaigning and voting etc. /3
Some are suggestions there might be a constitutional imbroglio today around PM’s call on whether election should or should not be deferred due to the lockdown in Auckland etc. I reckon it will probably turn out to be a bit of a fizzer! 🤷🏻♂️
PM has sole right to advise GG to dissolve Parliament for election. The previous process to do so was paused just prior to formal ceremony due to alert level change. We’ll know at 10am today what the PM’s intends to do — or, if she sticks with dissolution, perhaps has done.
Dissolution for an election is not subject to usual Cabinet decision-making deliberation (I understand) but PM will be mindful of views of others - incl views of coalition partner NZ First which wants it delayed. It’s still her sole call though.
Casey: Returns to processes within MBIE for "advice" on whether businesses were essential etc. Ombler evidence that MBIE received 25,000 emails and calls about whether businesses were essential.
The argument first today is about meaning and scope of s70, incl critically whether DG's power to require people to "isolate" could be used over the entire country or was restricted to case-by-case individualised application.
Casey: Distinguishes between: (a) power to make a statement (ie legality) and (b) legal requirement to do something that exposes person to criminal prosecution if not followed. Section 5 and prescribed by law only requires, she says, the former. #LockdownLegalityNZ
Thomas J: "Isn't is it important what was *inferred* from the statements?"
Casey: Doesn't matter.