To be fair, @MarthaKarua proposed this very thing when she was close to power as Minister for Justice under Kibaki. My questions then are the same now: After how long does corruption qualify as "past" and what is "past" about corruption when we continue paying for it today?
The fact is, Kenya has had an undeclared amnesty for all corruption, past and present, since independence. Kamau did not go after the colonials and chiefs, Mo1 shielded the Kamaus and their acolytes, and Kibaki talked a good game on corruption but left Mo1 and his friends alone.
What @DavidNdii is proposing is neither new nor a departure from historical practice. There've been calls for a similar amnesty in South Africa and an attempt in Tunisia. Hong Kong is the poster child for a successful one. However, whether it would work here is a different story.
Kenyans generally find it difficult to talk rationally about corruption. This is borne out by proposals to fix it that generally inhabit extremes, veering from public executions to amnesties, and the refusal to address the systemic failures that give rise to and perpetuate graft.
At one level, we can understand why. Corruption is real and raw emotional conversation between victims and perpetrators, with the former demanding vengeance for a century of impoverishment and exploitation, and the latter trying to bury the history of their ill-gotten fortunes.
But we will not be able to deal with corruption in any meaningful way unless we are prepared to have a rational (and no, that does not mean one devoid of emotion) conversation about its roots and about the colonial state that birthed and nurtures it. theelephant.info/features/2018/…
I, for one, would be happy to hear the rationale for proposals such as amnesty if they were in the context of such a conversation. It may, with appropriate conditions, be preferable to a de facto amnesty, which, as we have seen with PEV perps, just leads to more bad behaviour.
I have my doubts, though. "Forgive and forget" has served us poorly in the past. Maybe we ought to try some real justice, both punitive (for the perps) and restorative (for the victims). We should not let Kamau keep lying to us that we have to choose between the two.
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"The African needed to be flogged ‘like a child’ to inculcate discipline, yet once ‘trousered’ he had taken an important step towards the world of the white man and might be treated with greater respect". tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.108…
The whole discourse of "discipline" was meant to infantilize the miro. Till today, brutalising Kenyans, whether it is enforcement of covid-19 restrictions or corporal punishment in schools, is always justified using the language of "discipline".
#EasternAfricaElections
On 13 November 2017, the people of Somaliland went to the polls to choose their 5th president since 1991. Despite a delay of 28 months, international and local observers described the election as credible and peaceful. theelephant.info/features/2018/…
The changeable conditions could be good for the Scuds if we get the strategy calls right. And at least now we have drivers who have shown that they can keep the car on the track when it rains. #ImolaGP#ForzaFerrari#F1
Question: When a bank declares your current account "inactive" and blocks it (meaning you no longer have access to it), why do they keep charging you to maintain it? What service are you paying for on an account they've blocked you from accessing? @KenyaBankers
Let's put this another way. I pay rent for a house but don't live there for, say, 6 months. Landlord declares the premises inactive, boards it up and says I can no longer use it unless I go to him to get new keys. Then keeps charging me rent. What would I be paying for?
Does @CBKKenya regulate bank charges? Or are banks pretty much free to levy whatever charges they wish? Does the CBK have a desk where one can complain if one feels their bank is dealing unfairly with them? If not CBK, then who? @wgkantai@KenyaBankers
Looking at this and responses to it, seems clear Kenyans need an education on ukoloni, the tactics and aims of the KLFA (including its charter) as well as those of other anti-colonial movements in the country, and the bait-and-switch that got us "independence" instead of freedom.
British characterization of the KLFA as atavistic "Mau Mau" (a term rejected by JM Kariuki as "a title of abuse and ridicule"), violent savages without political thoughts, was propaganda to justify the horrible abuses and legitimize their chosen custodians of the colonial state.
Thus, 70 years later, we ignorantly speak of "Mau Mau" as only interested in land but not wider questions of political governance and equality. Few Kenyans today know of the Riigi and the Kenya Parliament they set up in the forest, or their hopes, visions, debates and writings.