When some of us tweeted against Mwonzora from 2018/19, (before it became fashionable), the accusation was that "we had picked Chamisa's faction"
It was particularly strange because "we" had no known political footprints then, in the MDC affairs.
2] It was thus strange, to be treated as supporters of one faction against the other.
Some preferred characterising the Khupe/Mwonzora-Chamisa battles as mere Tsvangirai succession, even when signs became evident, that ZanuPF had developed an interest and indeed taken over.
3] The tragedy in Zimbabwe, is that the constitution is treated as merely a political document.
It's owned & handed over to the winner of the next election, after every 5 years.
If the constitution was a baby, then in 2008 & 2013, ZanuPF had the discomfort of co-parenting.
4] In contrast, the constitution is more than political.
Its administrative in that it creates checks & balances.
Its economic in that safeguards both individuals & national economic interests
Its social & progressive as well.
For us, the fixation remains with the "political"!
5] True to this treatment of the constitution as a political document, ZanuPF has engineered 2 amendments so far.
Both of which are political & being spearheaded by politicians.
ZanuPF is reimagining & amending the constitution in its political image.
But it needed help....
6] After failing to prevent the prevailing of their interest from the 2008 elections, and the 2013 referendum, ZanuPF embraced contentious clauses, & waited for political changes in 2018.
Sadly,they didnt win 2018 enough to "fully own" the constitution
Enter Douglas Mwonzora..
7] I once argued that neither one of the MDC factions possess what it requires to "win" the battles won by Mwonzora so far, in Zimbabwe.
ZanuPF simply opened a way for him & the effects of this political promiscuity are being faced, as the devil runs away with our bible.
8] But here's what I'm angling at...
Whereas the coup regime has no qualms whatsoever with blatant illegal acts, they equally have a craving for legislating their unpopular actions.
They now want to legalise, being draconian & dictatorial.
This explains these amendments!
9] As far as the Legislation of Dictatorship is concerned, elections work.
ZanuPF couldn't have succeeded with these amendments without the help of the "Opposition" & the capture Chiefs & the voting system itself.
The outcome of 2018 could have successfully stopped these CABs
10] As a way forward we need to:
•replace voter apathy with voter education
•devise ways of politically responding to illegal & draconian amendments
•denounce pseudo Opposition enablers
•resoundingly make an electoral statement come 2023
1. Admittedly, when I first read the "structured currency" headline, I thought the Harare regime was taking its "structures" propaganda too far.
With the benefit of more research on the topic, I'm now totally convinced the Harare regime is indeed taking its propaganda too far.
2. By definition, a structured currency is "structured" in that it's supposedly backed by both mineral reserves (in our case gold) and trust in government's monetory policies & regulations.
Unfortunately, no one believes any of the two are present in our existing circumstances.
3. Part of why all previous gimmicks have failed is a trust deficit.
Even if the government opts to accuse commentators of being alarmists, causing panick and despondency, no one can be faulted for rushing to withdraw their forex savings if we have learned anything from history.
1. Imagine trying to make sense of how some 4 gentlemen in Bulawayo can randomly claim, 'we have recalled Amos Chibaya, he has ceased being a member of CCC'.
Outside the influence of social media, many only know about #CCC because of the efforts of this indefatigable organizer.
2. Propaganda has to make some sort of sense.
Even where some decide to hide behind the claim of "a traceable history in the struggle," Chibaya would make the mark.
A devoted organizer during the times of Tsvangirai & even more so, during the times of Chamisa under the MDC-A.
3. For the successive elections between 2018-2023, it's a mystery how Chibaya found the passion to abandon the comfort of his home and the herculean energy to traverse the country, organizing the Opp for electoral triumph.
Chibaya is very much unheralded & doesn't seem to care.
1. So, a group of at least 25 individuals have decided to join nonexistent forces under the otherwise much heralded #NERA banner to push for electoral reforms.
It's difficult to even identify them as political leaders because they don't represent any political constituency.
2. If you review the outcome of the controversial 2023 election, these people combined had fewer votes than the Councilors who won your ward election.
Many of them have never even bothered to field candidates in successive elections but only pop up whenever they sense a need.
3. If you were to profile them, there is one Lucia Matibenga, masquerading as PDP President.
Her "party" never contests.
She only temporarily enjoyed limelight under PDP when Sen Mwonzora brought her as his MDC-A partner before they connived to recall MPs elected under Chamisa.
1. Interesting comment on this unfolding drama by Prof Ncube.
I, however, can't help recognize the continued conflation of politics & law, which I've previously written about, regarding the formation of CCC party from MDC-A.
It's quite strange that BaNcube does the same here.
2. I take notice of @Welshman_Ncube choice of words here.
He says: MDC-A party's "...National Council resolved to reconstitute itself as CCC..."
By definition, when you "reconstitute," you simply restore or build up again, using remaining parts of whatever has been destroyed.
@Welshman_Ncube 3. However, it was a legal nulity not only for MDC-A to 'reconstitute' itself but to even meet & make legally binding resolutions to begin with.
In 2020, Justice Chitapi ruled that the MDC-A party wasn't a legal persona, effectively meaning it wasn't a legally constituted party.
1. We need to accept that we've seen enough to conclude we've no justice system in Zimbabwe.
Perhaps it's time to totally (temporarily) abandon seeking judicial recourse, particularly around political issues
Why continue subjecting ourselves to the wig wearing ZanuPF activists!
2. Let me rationalize this personal view:
Firstly, we are simply patronizing the generality of the citizens by arguing that going to these "captured courts" is an important academic exercise that exposes judicial capture.
What has been the consequence of exposing this capture?
3. ZanuPF's reaction to the damning SADC Observer Mission report is evidence enough that they don't react to "embarrassment" by showing restraint.
ZanuPF chose rather to burn SADC through an unprecedented propaganda offensive and direct confrontation with the Zambia government.