The Scotland Act 1998 says that legislation is outside the competence of the Scottish Parliament if it “relates to reserved matters”.
See section 29(3) in the above quote for some help as to what “relates to” means. You look at the purpose of the legislation at issue and its effect in all the circumstances.
What is a “reserved matter”? See Schedule 5, paragraph 1(b): it includes the Union of the Kingdoms.
So the question is this: does 🏴 Parliament legislation providing for a referendum on independence “relate to” the Union, looking at the purpose of the legislation and having regard to all the circumstances?
Put that way, it isn’t obvious to me how it could convincingly be argued that legislation for such a referendum would be within competence: what is the purpose of a referendum on independence other than to affect the Union of the Kingdoms?
But one good rule of thumb in legal commentary is that it’s dangerous to call any legal dispute until you see the arguments being run. So let’s see.
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Worth reading this response by the Administrative Law Bar Association to the current government’s latest consultation on “reform” to judicial review. adminlaw.org.uk/wp-content/upl…
(Disclosure: I had a very minor hand in it - but not in any of the paragraphs I’m going to quote.)
Opening salvo. The current government’s description of the findings of the independent review is simply false, in critical respects.
In the context of imaginative proposals to put the Union on a solid footing, it is worth reading this letter from Lord Salisbury to party leaders on the @ActofUnionBill proposal, here reaction.life/constitution-r…
There is a lot in the Bill to chew on: but its vision of a Union between the four nations, set out on a basis that limits the powers and functions of the Westminster parliament seems to me to be along the right lines.
Oh dear, more of this “EU law is code-based and inflexible, English law is flexible and pragmatic” trope. It’s poor stuff. telegraph.co.uk/business/2021/…
This is a re-hash of a paper published by @PoliteiaUK a couple of months ago, accompanied by an equally poor Express article. Brief reasons why it’s hopeless here.
As I explain, what this is really about, to the extent that it makes any real sense, is moving to a US rather than an EU model of regulation. But one can see why, forensically, that call is dressed up as a “common law” (English) v. “civil law” (foreign) issue.
The problem (to use Stephen Weatherill’s terminology) is the disconnect between what the Protocol *says* (at least on a casual reading) and what it *does* (on a detailed reading that looks carefully at the whole text).
This, on customs, the Protocol *says* that NI remains part of the UK customs territory, but what it actually *does* is to apply the whole of the EU Customs Code to imports into NI (incl. imports from GB), with a carve-out for the level of tariffs (but not checks) on some goods.
The problem with the current government’s threatened “just say no” strategy is that it requires a level of support from rUK that just doesn’t seem to exist.
What an imaginative government serious about defending the Union would be doing (at least in the background pending the May election) is thinking hard about a new constitutional settlement, and about the mechanisms for getting such a settlement agreed and giving it legitimacy.
In his book “The Passage to Europe”, Luuk van Middelaar called the equivalent EU strategy to demonstrate its relevance to voters the “Roman” strategy politico.eu/article/boris-…
See also “Life of Brian”: “What have the Romans done for us?”
The strategy does not always work. The Jews rose against the Romans and almost threw them out. Wales and Cornwall voted to leave the EU despite the 🇪🇺-flagged projects.