Recent economic data suggest labor shortages in leisure and hospitality have popped up—but there is little reason to worry about spillover into the rest of the economy and no reason to rein in stimulus or unemployment benefits. epi.org/blog/restauran…
The leisure and hospitality labor market is highly segmented off from other sectors, and wage pressures—upward or downward—have typically not spilled over from it to other sectors. For example, jobs in leisure and hospitality have notably low wages and fewer hours.
Millions of workers in accommodations and food services lost their jobs during the COVID-19 economic shock, and wage growth tanked. Yet very little of this sectoral distress spilled over into wage growth in other sectors, which saw only the smallest dip in wage growth trends.
5 other reasons why we must not change policy course: 1) The leisure & hospitality labor shortage so far is not dragging sharply on growth even within this sector—the sub-sectors within leisure and hospitality saw by far the most rapid employment growth in the last month.
2) Very little evidence that enhanced unemployment insurance benefits created a sectoral labor shortage. For one, the disappointing April job growth number was held down by a large uptick in people being laid off or otherwise separated from a job or leaving the labor force.
Women (as a whole) accounted for more than 100% of all transitions out of employment in April. Relatedly, labor force participation actually grew quite strongly in April, but more than 100% of the gain in the labor force was accounted for by men.
These last two data points are consistent with caregiving responsibilities—which still fall far more heavily on women—being a key bottleneck for labor supply.
3) Further, millions of Americans continue to cite health concerns as a reason for reluctance to return to work—as further evidence of this, vaccination rates correlate positively with increased employment across states.
4) Cutting pandemic UI benefits now, as some states have done or are considering, will not just hurt workers who are depending on federal benefits while they cannot find work or are unable to work, it will also drag on the economy, as those benefits are supporting spending.
5) If economic growth is constrained because workers make voluntary decisions to not accept jobs at the going rate, this is far less damaging to human welfare than economic growth that is constrained because workers eager to work at today’s wage can’t find a job offer.
The goal of economic policy shouldn’t be to chase as many adults into paid work as possible, it should be to provide good options and economic security for all. Current policies are far better than reeling back on relief and recovery measures.
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Nonlicensed school staff receive low pay and no employment during the summer months. Illinois is supporting these vital workers by offering unemployment benefits during the summer. Minnesota—which is considering a similar bill—should follow suit. epi.org/blog/illinois-…
Workers in the most common nonlicensed education occupations—like janitors and bus drivers—are paid less than the typical U.S. worker, whose median wage is $19.38/hour nationally.
This undervalued work is disproportionately done by women and workers of color. Women, Black workers, and Hispanic workers are all disproportionately represented in the nonlicensed school workforce.
The American Rescue Plan is highly unlikely to lead to any durable uptick in inflation or interest rates—the normal indicators of economic “overheating”—and it would be a sign of its success if it did. epi.org/blog/the-u-s-e…
The U.S. economy has run far “too cold” for decades, largely due to the enormous rise in income inequality redistributing income to richer households that save most of their income. Unless inequality is substantially reversed, economic overheating is highly unlikely.
The Fed itself has been far more worried about too-low inflation than overheating in the last decade. They have stressed that their 2% inflation target should not be interpreted as a hard ceiling above which inflation is never allowed to go.
The skills explanation offered both administrations “an excuse for what was a systematic deploying of policy to disempower workers,” argues @LarryMishel, a senior fellow at EPI who previously served as its president. theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
“To Mishel & like-minded critics, the skills-gap theory couldn’t account for two key trends: the rising share of income & wealth concentrating in the top 1%, and the slowdown in wage growth even among college graduates, who were supposed to benefit from the digital revolution.”
“The center-left has totally abandoned, and appropriately so, that framework for understanding wage suppression and inequality,” says @LarryMishel. “What’s replaced it is a greater attention to the increases in employer power.”
Two new reports released today as a part of our Unequal Power project show how unequal bargaining power sabotages workers’ ability to protect themselves and obtain adequate compensation for the risks they face on the job. epi.org/unequalpower/
The first report by @AnnRosenthal6 demonstrates how employers retain considerable powers over their workers’ abilities to protect themselves from injury, illness, and death, despite constraints created by the Occupational Safety and Health (OSH) Act. epi.org/unequalpower/p…
Whether it's being able to decide when—or whether—to use the bathroom or having the ability to refuse to perform particularly hazardous tasks, workers are at the mercy of potentially dictatorial employers.
NEW: The erosion of collective bargaining since 1979 has cost the median worker $3,250 annually. Declining unionization has driven 33% of the growth of the wage gap between high- and middle-wage earners.
Lower unionization has reduced wages by 7.9% since 1979.
But this deunionization wasn’t inevitable—it was a deliberate policy choice made on behalf of wealthy interests and corporations, and it can be reversed. epi.org/publication/er…
The decline hit men the hardest given they were more likely to be in unions than women in 1979: The median hourly wage of men fell $2.49, which translates into a loss of $5,171 annually. However, current trends show that broadening unionization would benefit women as much as men.
Calls to establish a regionally adjusted federal minimum wage are dangerously misguided. There is not a county in the U.S. where an individual working full time could achieve a secure standard of living earning less than $15 per hour. epi.org/blog/calls-to-…
Raising the minimum wage to its historical peak in 1968 had no adverse effects on employment, according to new evidence. Establishing a strong national floor is easier now than in 1968 because wage differences across states have declined substantially. academic.oup.com/qje/article-ab…
A regional minimum wage would serve to normalize or tolerate existing low-wage conditions in particular regions, industries, or occupations that are largely the result of historical racism and sexism.