I’m often asked why my tweets tend to focus on criticism—particularly as it concerns theobros. Here’s my typical response.
I don’t have strong views on ‘biblical manhood’ (a phrase that I find ridiculous). But my sense is that most of it comes down to being a good Christ-follower, which has nothing to do with the kind of muscular Christianity promoted by some of the more vocal hyper-complementarians.
Concerning my tendency of late to engage in negative critique on Twitter dot com, without much in the way of positive proposals: there are—as best I can discern my own motives—three reasons for this.
First, I think it’s a reflection of where I am in my process with the book I’m working on right now. I tend to tweet what I’m thinking about, which is mostly what I’m writing about at the moment.
And for a year or so now, most of my creative energy has focused on dismantling the ideology underlying evangelicals’ approach to politics, to clear the way for the alternative paradigm I’m proposing.
Second, I recently had a clarifying personal experience that’s salient.

A couple of months ago, a member of the faculty at an SBC seminary publicly lied about the content of my remarks on a podcast. (The lies were blatant—childish, even—not a matter of misinterpretation.)
He subsequently refused to correct the record, despite repeated attempts by several colleagues—that I know about, at his and other SBC institutions—to persuade him that he was in the wrong.
That’s when it clicked that, at bottom, this really is about power and nothing else—precisely the kind of culture war stupidity that’s fragmenting our political community and, more importantly, the Church.
And third, consistent with all of that, a more general motivation is that the people I’m confronting are totalitarians: all their language is coded to preempt dissent—eg, objections to the subjugation of women = rejecting inerrancy.
No argument against the subjugation of women—derived from the tenets of Christian theology or otherwise—has any hope of success: the moment you signal your objection to the subjugation of women, everything you have to say is immediately dismissible because you’re a liberal.
The only proven rhetorical method for defeating totalitarianism is to ridicule the system for its incoherence, until the whole ideology collapses under the weight of its own contradictions.
I am persuaded that the men I’m arguing against—who occupy positions of influence and power within the church—are false teachers.

(I understand the gravity of that statement and my conscience is totally clear on this point.)
Their message is unavoidably a false gospel, top to bottom—from the nuclear family (subjugation of women) to government at large (meritocracy), to the gospel itself (“just preach the gospel!”). The fruit is all rotten and the trees must be removed, root and branch.
I grew up in the SBC, as did my parents and grandparents. My maternal grandfather was active in the “conservative resurgence“—the present fruits of which I cannot imagine he clearly foresaw.
I also have training in philosophy and theology. But I don’t work for any SBC institution, which means I can say things that most others with my background cannot (due to another totalitarian tactic: dissenters are disappeared).
Every week I get messages from SBC folks—from pastors to professors—expressing gratitude to me for saying what they can’t.

Although the SBC isn’t the horizon of my calling, I believe that God has placed me where I am for a reason. And I intend to be faithful.

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More from @scott_m_coley

21 May
The infirmity at the core of American evangelicalism is a vice that many white evangelicals regard as America’s greatest virtue:

The Blessed Sacrament of Ordered Liberty.

🧵
Every evening at Primetime, scores of devout American evangelicals gather with the rest of the Faithful—libertarians, Tea Partyers, neoliberals, neoconservatives, white nationalists, social Darwinists, et al.—in Eucharistic adoration at the Mass of Fox the News.
In the eyes of the Faithful, the deepest recesses of hell are reserved for blasphemers who tug at the shroud of sacred mystery in which Ordered Liberty is cloaked: those who partake of the Sacrament in spirit and in truth ask no questions about how our Liberty has been Ordered.
Read 5 tweets
11 May
Christ’s description of the Samaritan’s conduct toward the half-dead traveler operates entirely at the level of universal human need. For all the parable tells us, the injured traveler was unconscious for the duration of his time with the Samaritan.
Details about the content of the traveler’s life experience, past actions, belief system and moral outlook are totally absent from the narrative. Such details are therefore immaterial to the command that follows.
The Samaritan sees a man who lacks the capacity to care for himself, and lacks the money to pay someone else to care for him. So the Samaritan arranges to pay the full cost of the man’s care—insisting that he, the Samaritan, will reimburse the innkeeper for any additional costs.
Read 17 tweets
22 Mar
How did conservative evangelicals arrive at a place where, outside of one or two causes that cost nothing to promote, many don’t even pretend to integrate their faith with their politics?
In fact, such is the disarray of the evangelical political conscience that it may be helpful to comment on what it means to *integrate* faith and politics—i.e., what it means to have integrity.
As individuals, we all occupy a variety of social roles—e.g., spouse, parent, colleague, citizen and so on.

I have integrity when I approach each of these social roles in a way that’s consistent with how I approach the others.
Read 17 tweets
22 Mar
The collective evangelical imagination has long suffered under the yoke of self-appointed spokesmen whose enthusiasm for politics goes unchecked by the limits of their own expertise.
Nowhere is the vacuum of discernment more acute than in the field of institutional moral analysis: systemic injustice is invisible to those whose moral horizons are tethered to individual piety.
There’s no future in stirring up nostalgia for the culture wars of the 1970s and ‘80s. Evangelicalism needs a vision of political life that comprehends the social infirmities that surround us. We must abandon effortless civil religion that serves politicians rather than the poor.
Read 9 tweets
21 Mar
Within the evangelical community, discussions of “social justice” often emphasize charity and devote little attention to the moral significance of institutions.
This paradigm allows evangelicals to advocate for political institutions that deprive the poor of their due, and then dispense charity as though it were a substitute for justice.
We need a new paradigm. Christ followers are required to advocate for public institutions that reflect the truth about what people deserve—not for the sake of charity,
Read 9 tweets
21 Mar
The three central tenets of the Religious Right’s worldview are as follows:

(i) Prosperity theology.
If you work hard and live a morally upright life, God will provide for your material needs. So if you’re poor, you have failed to work hard or failed to live uprightly, or both.
(ii) Christian libertarianism.
The allocation of resources should be determined entirely through free enterprise and market competition. It follows that we should allow market forces to decide the value of everything, including labor and access to medical care.
(iii) Christian nationalism.
America is a Christian nation. And American has traditionally been a great nation. But our nation has fallen into moral degeneracy. America will not reclaim its former glory unless we return to our Christian roots.
Read 13 tweets

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