1/6 It's interesting that this Goldman report came out just as I was rereading the section on the 1931 Danatbank crisis in Niall Ferguson's (@nfergus) excellent book on Siegmund Warburg.
2/6 It's a pretty well-known story: In the late 1920s, in spite of rumors about its unstable balance sheet Danatbank was able to grow deposits to fund its questionable activities mainly because the bank was assumed to be too big to fail. Ferguson adds that this assumption had...
3/6 been reinforced by the bailing out by the regulators of the smaller Warburg bank a few months earlier.
But when a run started on the Danatbank in June 1931, the regulators had no choice but to let it fail, which in turn caused the entire German banking system to collapse.
4/6 The point is that they didn't let Danatbank fail because they had changed their mind about "too big to fail". The problem is that Danatbank had become too big to save. The regulators simply no longer had the resources – especially the fx – to prevent the calamity.
5/6 That's the problem (and not just for China) with this mechanism, and one that Hyman Minsky describes: guaranteeing stability changes investor behavior in ways that automatically increase riskiness in the system, which only further increases the need to guarantee stability.
6/6 At some point it becomes very difficult to know what to do. The regulators feel they cannot allow the system to break down, but if they prevent it from doing so, they just encourage the financial system to take on even more credit and balance-sheet risks.
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1/6 Martin Wolf is right to note that total trade is a much lower share of the US economy than it is for many other economies (as a matter of arithmetic trade should generally be more important for smaller economies than for bigger), but while...
2/6 I usually agree with what he says (indeed I have stolen liberally from his ideas over the years), I don't think it follows that this makes trade concerns less important for the US.
As I explain in “The Great Rebalancing”, and Matthew Klein and I...
3/6 explain in “Trade Wars are Class Wars”, in a world of high ex-ante savings and weak demand, what matters to the US is not total trade but rather the size of the trade deficit. And relative to US GDP the trade deficit has been very high.
1/6 This is a very good discussion by @RebeccaStropoli of the Mian, Straubb, Sufi paper on why income inequality in the US can cause household debt to rise. Rising income inequality reduces underlying demand (because the rich consume very little...
2/6 of their income), and so also reduces desired investment, which means, paradoxically, that rising income inequality increases desired savings while reducing desired investment.
But because total US savings must equal, by definition, total...
3/6 US investment minus the trade imbalance, if the savings of the rich exceed US investment, either the US must run a trade surplus (in fact it runs a large deficit), or some adjustment must occur that drives down overall savings for the whole economy.
1/4 Beijing's regulators continue to worry about the problems associated with booming net foreign inflows, including domestic money expansion, rising debt, a stronger currency, and asset bubbles.
2/4 As they have been doing since last October, the regulators are trying to manage these net inflows by encouraging financial outflows.
But while this helps to reduce net inflows, it does so by burying the problem in an increasingly mismatched...
3/4 external balance sheet, and the relationship between gross outflows (assets) and gross inflows (liabilities) is likely to be increasingly inverted. As Hyman Minsky argued, when you try to suppress risk, you just switch it from one form into another.
1/4 First, B/A's are not limited to US imports and have absolutely nothing to do with dominant reserve-currency status. Any country's imports can be financed by L/Cs or B/As, either in USD or in any other currency accepted by both parties.
2/4 Second, an L/C used to fund US imports is an interest-bearing claim that can only be serviced either by the export of real goods or services produced in the US or by the transfer of ownership of real assets.
3/4 By the way this is no more or less true when the US is the importer than when any other country is the importer. For some reason many people think that reserve-currency status somehow transforms these instruments when they involve US imports.
1/5 "Whether or not the government offers support will likely be influenced by the need to prevent systemic pressures from emerging and to limit contagion from any spikes in credit stresses, Goldman analysts wrote. While systemic problems are unlikely...
2/5 to arise, idiosyncratic credit risks are likely to stay elevated."
Goldman analysts are warning that there has been, and will probably continue to be, a rise in defaults by Chinese SOEs since 2019. This is probably correct, and if it is, it does have at least one...
3/5 implication about the structure of Chinese debt.
Borrowing by Chinese SOEs and local governments to fund investment projects that generate negative wealth creation is largely what allows China to generate enough economic activity to achieve GDP growth rates much above 2-3%.
1/8 According to this article: "The US buys a lot more stuff from the rest of the world than the world buys from the US. That difference has to be financed; as a matter of mathematical identity, there has to be an inflow to match that outflow."
2/8 This actually gets it wrong. The implicit assumption is that accounting identities imply a direction of causality, in this case from trade to finance: because the US runs a trade deficit, in other words, it must also run the corresponding capital account surplus to finance...
3/8 the trade deficit.
But this implicitly assumes that the US capital inflows consist primarily of trade finance, which is clearly false. Too many analysts assume as axiomatic that the B-o-P accounting identity tells us that the capital account adjusts to balance the trade...