The Uli Airstrip was the most important link between Biafra and the outside world during the Nigerian civil war. Most of the major airfields in Biafra were captured by government forces early in the war.
Had the Nigerian government destroyed the Uli Airstrip, the war and the humanitarian catastrophe that accompanied it probably would have ended very quickly. Unfortunately, the government was dependent on mercenary pilots who were skilled enough to target the airport at night.
When mercenaries working for the government refused to destroy the airport, Biafra was able to continue its resistance (De St. Jorre 1972, 318).
Why were the mercenary pilots unwilling to strike an obvious military target? There are two basic reasons.
First, the mercenaries working for the government knew that relief planes would be flying into the Uli Airstrip at night. It was not the cargo of these planes that concerned the mercenaries; instead, it was the pilots.
Many of the pilots who transported relief supplies to Biafra were also mercenaries hired by various relief organizations. As many of the relief mercenaries had worked with the government mercenaries in the Congo, there was a gentlemen’s agreement that mercenaries would not...
intentionally target each other.
In addition, there was a basic financial incentive not to destroy the airport. Mercenaries from both sides knew that the end of Uli Airstrip would mark the end of the rebellion. In this context, destruction of Uli would have been bad for business.
In the end, the rebels used the Uli Airstrip successfully until the last days of the war. Although the airstrip allowed valuable assistance to reach starving people, it also was a key factor in allowing the rebellion to last well beyond what most observers expected.
The irony of Uli, as critical as it was to the final outcome, is one of the more poorly documented events of the war (De St. Jorre 1972).
The Relief Effort: Highs & Lows
Effects of both the war itself & the blockade imposed by the Nigerian govt took a heavy toll on civilians in Biafra. As the war lingered on, the UNHCR estimated that more than 3 million children in Biafra were in danger of starving (Goetz 2001).
In response to the crisis, several international relief organizations attempted to deliver food and supplies to civilians in Biafra. The relief effort had mixed results.
On the positive side, relief organizations delivered as much as 500 tons of food and supplies into Biafra...
daily in what became known as the Biafran Airlift. The size and scope of the relief effort was the largest undertaken since World War II (De St Jorre 1972, 238). Catholic and Protestant relief organizations, at times in coordination with the International Committee of the...
Red Cross (ICRC), were involved in the relief effort. It is clear that these supplies saved countless civilians from starvation.
At the same time, owing to both a lack of funds and a lack of supplies, smaller relief agencies were often forced to book space on the same aircraft that were smuggling arms into Biafra. The Nigerian government believed that arms shipments disguised as humanitarian aid shipments
were a boon to the rebellion. The government placed a ban on nighttime flights in Biafra and shot down a Swedish ICRC aircraft. The ICRC made the critical mistake of sending the same negotiator to both sides of the dispute in an attempt to secure safe passage for relief flights.
Each belligerent party suspected the ICRC of working for the other side (De St. Jorre, 1972; Goetz, 2001).
It is widely known that, in addition to arms transfers, mercenaries were a source of potential military strength for the secessionists.
In the final analysis, however, mercenaries played a relatively small role in the war. Part of this was because the Biafran forces were suspicious of mercenaries after having fought against many of them as part of the Nigerian military contingent dispatched to fight in the Congo.
In addition, many mercenaries were reluctant to come to Biafra because there was a distinct possibility that they would be called on to fight against “brothers in arms” hired by the government (De St. Jorre 1972, 313).
Ironically, the main role played by mercenaries during the war may have been the failure of government mercenary pilots to destroy the makeshift Uli Airstrip, which was located about halfway between the cities Onitsha and Oguta.
2023: BOLA TINUBU AND THE COST OF POLITICAL MISCALCULATION.
The godfather of Lagos politics, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in 2015 led the South-West into an alliance with the North to birth the All Progressive Alliance (APC).
His decision, evidently, was informed by the expectation that the two geopolitical regions will share power, invariably to the exclusion of the Eastern bloc. And ultimately that he, or the South-West, will take power by the time the North completes two terms in 2023.
But it has proved to be a miscalculation.
Certainly, power play is about conspiracies and alliances. Tinubu is well within his right to do what he thought would best advance his political interest and that of his region.
Igbo Critics and the Presumed Menace of Nnamdi Kanu:
Part 1
Among the broad conglomeration of Igbo people of Nigeria, there are two categories of critics of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of IPOB (Indigenous Peoples of Biafra).
There are those who don’t want Biafra at all, and then those who want Biafra but not the way Kanu and his group are going about it. I would wager that the former are in the minority while the latter are quite a number.
The former are of the opinion that a pull-out from Nigeria will harm the Igbos adversely. While they admit that the Igbos are being marginalized, they argue that other ethnic groups also suffer from different kinds of marginalization.
How Nigeria under Buhari kidnapped an ex-minister in London and bundled him into a crate bound for Lagos:
Nigeria’s Umaru Dikko was the minister of transport in the civilian government run by Shehu Shagari from 1979 until the end of 1983 when the country’s army overthrew the...
administration and installed Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari as the head of state. The new military government under Buhari jailed scores of government ministers under Shagari’s administration for corruption.
Dikko, who criticized the military regime under Buhari, managed to flee to London reportedly dressed as a priest.
While in London, he continued to be an outspoken critic of the military government, which also accused him of corruption and of stealing millions of dollars...
Buhari: Tweeting Asaba massacre on Road to Rwanda:
Like a suicide bomber ready to sacrifice his life, I slid into the Nigerian war theatre last week. No, not Northeast Nigeria, where kaffir soldiers are busy bombing Boko Haram faithful; nor Northwest, where good bandits...
are in an orgy of kidnapping hundreds of school children – apologies to bandits-negotiating merchant mullah, Ahmad Gumi. I was in Igboland where the second Nigerian civil war, unbeknown to many, has begun in earnest.
For me, the mental feeling of war was actually the pandemonium that my visit evoked in the hearts of people privy to my itinerary. “How dare you!” they chorused.
Implications of Buhari's ill-advised ban of Twitter:
1. All government MAPs that hitherto communicated to the general public via their respective Twitter handles will henceforth stop. 2. All govt/party officials will stop tweeting. 3. All APC politicians will also stop tweeting.
4. All public personalities known to be living in Nigeria will stop tweeting especially while in Nigeria. 5. All fencists will stop tweeting whether they're in Nigeria or abroad so as not to draw the ire of govt. 6. Radical personalities will dare the govt and continue tweeting.
7. Increased use of Facebook and Instagram by govt, their agencies and supporters and also opposition parties who are afraid of the govt's draconian policies. 8. Increased use of pseudonym handles in the Nigerian twittersphere. 9. Increased grapevine posts on WhatsApp/telegram.
During the Tulsa Race Massacre, which occurred over 18 hours from May 31 to June 1, 1921, a white mob attacked residents, homes and businesses in the predominantly Black Greenwood neighborhood of Tulsa, Oklahoma USA.
The event remains one of the worst incidents of racial violence in U.S. history, and, for a period, remained one of the least-known: News reports were largely squelched, despite the fact that hundreds of people were killed and thousands left homeless.
Black Wall Street:
In much of the country, the years following World War I saw a spike in racial tensions, including the resurgence of the white supremacist group the Ku Klux Klan, numerous lynchings and other acts of racially motivated violence, as well as efforts by African...