1] Fellow members of humanity....I've been cracking my head over something which seems to be a feature of Zimbabwean politics.
What exactly is the end game for Opposition politics?
Can an Opposition party exist and be useful, whilst accepting that it cannot win State power?
2] I say so, because I've become absolutely convinced that @DMwonzora is comfortable with just existing as an Opposition Leader.
The core Leadership of @OurMDCT is populated by fatigued yesteryear activists who for all intent and purpose, just want to co-exist with ZanuPF.
3] Rational disputational is for me, the intellectualization of a defeatist attitude which has engulfed MDC-T.
Baba Bertha is simply saying to Baba Collins, "you can go ahead & (rig)win all elections, but just allow us to exist".
They are clearly comfortable that way.
4] The PDF platform being "demanded" by the unelected lot in MDC-T & the POLAD of the defeated lot from 2018, seem to be new homes for fringe parties that can't win elections.
Prof Madhuku even publicly stated that the "POLAD should exist even after 2023 elections".
5] @mdczimbabwe on the other hand, is licking its proverbial lips, towards another electoral battle with ZanuPF.
This means they fancy their chances of winning & actually believe they exist to win State power and govern differently.
The distinction (based on action) is clear.
6] In the greater scheme of things, what makes sense for Zimbabweans?
Can those in the Opposition meaningfully contribute to democracy & development outside state power?
Should opposition parties without the electoral ability to defeat ZanuPF be entertained?
Are they useful?
7] Those questions are useful in understanding both previous & current political developments.
Has politics for some Opp players become an occupation?
What's the role of those who have succumbed to ZanuPF's "invincibility"?
And what should us who want ZanuPF gone do?
enkosi!!
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1. Admittedly, when I first read the "structured currency" headline, I thought the Harare regime was taking its "structures" propaganda too far.
With the benefit of more research on the topic, I'm now totally convinced the Harare regime is indeed taking its propaganda too far.
2. By definition, a structured currency is "structured" in that it's supposedly backed by both mineral reserves (in our case gold) and trust in government's monetory policies & regulations.
Unfortunately, no one believes any of the two are present in our existing circumstances.
3. Part of why all previous gimmicks have failed is a trust deficit.
Even if the government opts to accuse commentators of being alarmists, causing panick and despondency, no one can be faulted for rushing to withdraw their forex savings if we have learned anything from history.
1. Imagine trying to make sense of how some 4 gentlemen in Bulawayo can randomly claim, 'we have recalled Amos Chibaya, he has ceased being a member of CCC'.
Outside the influence of social media, many only know about #CCC because of the efforts of this indefatigable organizer.
2. Propaganda has to make some sort of sense.
Even where some decide to hide behind the claim of "a traceable history in the struggle," Chibaya would make the mark.
A devoted organizer during the times of Tsvangirai & even more so, during the times of Chamisa under the MDC-A.
3. For the successive elections between 2018-2023, it's a mystery how Chibaya found the passion to abandon the comfort of his home and the herculean energy to traverse the country, organizing the Opp for electoral triumph.
Chibaya is very much unheralded & doesn't seem to care.
1. So, a group of at least 25 individuals have decided to join nonexistent forces under the otherwise much heralded #NERA banner to push for electoral reforms.
It's difficult to even identify them as political leaders because they don't represent any political constituency.
2. If you review the outcome of the controversial 2023 election, these people combined had fewer votes than the Councilors who won your ward election.
Many of them have never even bothered to field candidates in successive elections but only pop up whenever they sense a need.
3. If you were to profile them, there is one Lucia Matibenga, masquerading as PDP President.
Her "party" never contests.
She only temporarily enjoyed limelight under PDP when Sen Mwonzora brought her as his MDC-A partner before they connived to recall MPs elected under Chamisa.
1. Interesting comment on this unfolding drama by Prof Ncube.
I, however, can't help recognize the continued conflation of politics & law, which I've previously written about, regarding the formation of CCC party from MDC-A.
It's quite strange that BaNcube does the same here.
2. I take notice of @Welshman_Ncube choice of words here.
He says: MDC-A party's "...National Council resolved to reconstitute itself as CCC..."
By definition, when you "reconstitute," you simply restore or build up again, using remaining parts of whatever has been destroyed.
@Welshman_Ncube 3. However, it was a legal nulity not only for MDC-A to 'reconstitute' itself but to even meet & make legally binding resolutions to begin with.
In 2020, Justice Chitapi ruled that the MDC-A party wasn't a legal persona, effectively meaning it wasn't a legally constituted party.
1. We need to accept that we've seen enough to conclude we've no justice system in Zimbabwe.
Perhaps it's time to totally (temporarily) abandon seeking judicial recourse, particularly around political issues
Why continue subjecting ourselves to the wig wearing ZanuPF activists!
2. Let me rationalize this personal view:
Firstly, we are simply patronizing the generality of the citizens by arguing that going to these "captured courts" is an important academic exercise that exposes judicial capture.
What has been the consequence of exposing this capture?
3. ZanuPF's reaction to the damning SADC Observer Mission report is evidence enough that they don't react to "embarrassment" by showing restraint.
ZanuPF chose rather to burn SADC through an unprecedented propaganda offensive and direct confrontation with the Zambia government.