Here is a thread in which I try to summarize what we know thus far about the cause of the recent rise in gun violence in the U.S. In my view, we can rule out some stories but the picture is not very clear and, as far as I'm concerned, many theories remain in play. 👇
1. The U.S. homicide rate began to tick up slowly in 2015, especially in some cities (e.g., Philadelphia and Chicago). So, for a number of cities, the homicide increase represents a speeding up of a pre-existing trend. Explore the data here: jacobdkaplan.com/crime.html#sta…
2. Via @ZaidJilani, this extraordinary rise in homicide is fairly unique to the U.S. We don't see the same thing in Canada or Mexico or even El Salvador. This is inconsistent with general explanations like economic hardship and pandemic-induced stress. inquiremore.com/p/stop-blaming…
3. Via an analysis by @JohnFPfaff, this doesn't appear to be an artifact of "defunding" the police (which was uncommon) or of criminal justice reforms enacted shortly before the pandemic. The homicide rise seems to have been fairly uniform across cities:
4. Via @germanrlopez, the homicide rate doesn't seem to rise immediately after the pandemic but it does skyrocket over the summer around the same time as the killing of George Floyd and the ensuing protests: vox.com/2020/8/3/21334…
5. However, via some great detective work by @No_Little_Plans and @Crimealytics as well as Jens Ludwig, there appears to be a rise in gun-carrying that begins alongside the pandemic and, critically, begins ***before*** the killing of George Floyd and the summer protests.
Why do we think there is more gun carrying? Because in March and April police start seizing massive numbers of guns despite making fewer street and car stops and executing fewer searches.
6. There's also evidence that people started buying more guns during the pandemic. While, in general, crime guns tend to be fairly old, more guns in circulation creates greater risks for communities that are already struggling with endemic gun violence. nytimes.com/2021/05/29/us/…
There is a terrific and hugely important working paper by @MWillJr which shows that gun proliferation can have extremely different impacts on Black and White communities. We could be seeing, in part, something along these lines today: morganwilliamsjr.com/wp-content/upl…
So how do we make sense of this? Is this the result of "de-policing"? Maybe. The pandemic led to fewer police on the street and police pulled back from making unnecessary arrests in an unusually visible and official way: thehill.com/homenews/state…
At the same time, while the legitimacy crisis of the summer and the effects of the defund movement on police morale probably didn't help, the groundwork for today's retaliatory violence seems to have been laid before anyone had heard of George Floyd or Derek Chauvin.
Is this a response to broader social forces? The argument is articulately described by @patrick_sharkey who notes that in disadvantaged communities, the destabilizing effects of crisis can induce people to engage in an arms race, preparing for the worst. theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/…
If Pat is right, why does the rise in violence seem to be greater in the U.S. than in Mexico which certainly has its share of poverty, gangs and a lack of police legitimacy? In Mexico, a lot of violence is directed by large criminal enterprises, rather than small crews...
... which means that the social forces put into motion by the pandemic in Mexico may be filtered, to a greater degree, by the cartels. In the U.S. where gangs are small, community dynamics may loom especially large.
To sum up, there are probably a number of reasons for the increase in violence. While I think we can rule out reductions in police funding, I don't think we can rule out that some form of de-policing (or even just perceived de-policing) explains some of what we're seeing.
But it definitely doesn't look as simple as "the protests caused the violence." And any explanation needs to account for the effects of gun proliferation and carrying which pre-dates the killing of George Floyd.
As always, we should continue to refine and adjust our views as more data comes to light.

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More from @ajc730

15 Jun
How many complaints against police officers can be abated by terminating a few bad apples? Jacob Kaplan and I consider this question in a new paper that is now published in @CPPJournal. We believe the answer is likely to be "not a lot." onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/17…
Thread 👇
You've probably heard that a very small number of officers are responsible for a very large share of misconduct or citizen complaints. Estimates vary quite a bit but I've seen estimates like 2% of officers account for half of all use of force complaints.
The naive conclusion from calculations like this is that if only we could identify who these bad apple officers are, we could make a considerable dent in addressing police misconduct by terminating (or re-assigning) them.
Read 18 tweets
14 Dec 20
New working paper joint with @benconomics, @emilyweisburst and @MWillJr that considers the race-specific effects of a larger police force in the U.S. nber.org/system/files/w…
We find that, in most cities, more police manpower leads to reductions in homicide, with every 10-17 officers hired abating one homicide. In per capita terms, the effects are twice as large for Black versus white victims.
We also consider the extent to which investments in police manpower expand civilian interactions with the criminal justice system, or create "net widening" effects, focusing on differences by race in the burdens and benefits of enforcement activity.
Read 16 tweets
17 Sep 20
Do police make late shift arrests in order to take advantage of overtime pay? This story is a mainstay of public criticism of law enforcement and reflects broader concerns about the distortionary effects of financial incentives in the US criminal justice system. But is it true?
At first blush, it might make sense that officers would want to make arrests at the end of the workday -- overtime pay is fixed 150% of an officer's base pay. As such the "price" of late shift arrests is higher. However, officers also face a labor-leisure tradeoff.
Exploiting the staggered timing of shift assignments
throughout the day in Dallas, TX, we find that officers, in fact, *reduce* their arrests (by 28%) at the end of their work shift. This result isn't an artifact of being routed to fewer service calls late in the shift.
Read 12 tweets
2 Jul 20
1/ Those of us who have studied the relationship between the size of a city's police force and crime including @emilyweisburst, @mellosteve2 and @ProfEmilyOwens among others are finding our work in the spotlight of late. Here is a tweet which I hope will be useful in sorting
2/ out what we know as well as what we don't know about the effect of police on crime. Views are my own but I am trying my best to summarize what we know absent a political agenda.1) Over the last few decades, when U.S. cities have increased the size of their police force,
3/ crime has declined. The effects are what I'd call modest: A 10% increase in police force size has led to something like a 3-10% decline in crime, depending on the estimate. This includes serious crimes like murder and robbery. 2) But there's more.... when police
Read 14 tweets

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