How do you deny genocide accusations today? An online influence campaign of course.

Our breakdown of the anatomy Chinese propaganda campaigns, which now flow fast and at large scale from China to the global internet. This is likely just the beginning. nytimes.com/interactive/20…
In recent months thousands of testimonials from inside Xinjiang purporting to show Uyghurs living happily were blasted across the global internet.

The videos look spontaneous. They are anything but. Each step of the way was the hand of China’s government.
Our analysis found major linguistic correlations between the testimonials, suggesting they were half-scripted. At times they are disturbingly like hostage videos. People saying they’re free in the same way over and over obviously points to the opposite likelihood.
In some cases Uyghurs in the videos may have been in camps and talk of their wrong thinking. In other cases there are Chinese Communist Party cadres who are part of the system. Others are more bizarre, like this one of a student stiffly describing how great things are.
As with everything in China, even the darkest top-down orders cut across society. Here we see school kids who tuned the propaganda order into a class project.
So what’s the point of it all? Together the videos may not seem convincing, but out of context floating around the internet they can be. They also represent a new more muscular approach by the CCP to beam domestic propaganda across the global internet.
Please take a few minutes to check out our interactive, which has more videos/analysis. Below I’ll lay out an anatomy of how all this content was created and pumped out to the world. It’s a new disinformation pipeline which China’s government will likely refine in coming years.
In January, days after US Sec of State Pompeo designated the mass internments in Xinjiang a genocide, officials started a new propaganda campaign in Xinjiang. Cadres fanned out to "preach" about Pompeo’s evil and collect denunciations. Here’s a pile from Kashgar telco workers:
Soon after, videos began emerging. They closely resembled the written denunciations, only they were made selfie style for social media. First they appeared on an app called Pomegranate Cloud. It’s owned by the CCP run Xinjiang Daily. They claim rights and list an editor:
Then they spread across China’s media landscape. Other state-run media picked up videos. On social media too, they were spread far and wide. Here they are on the WeChat page of the internet regulator in Xinjiang, again giving credit to CCP run Pomegranate Cloud:
What happened next was surprising and new. Within days, the videos began to appear on YouTube and Twitter. An NYT analysis found close coordination, videos would appear on YouTube, and twenty minutes later go out via a bot network on Twitter. The YouTube accounts are still up.
Before long, the videos were picked up by Chinese officials with huge Twitter followings, like Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokes people Hua Chunying and Zhao Lijian. Their tweets act as if the videos were spontaneous.

Chinese state media echoed their efforts posting videos too.
Other sites that feed the broader China nationalist social media world, like the Qiao Collective, assembled links to the content for influencers and others online to pickup. Some did.
It's one of the first times I can recall a propaganda campaign clearly designed for domestic consumption so quickly and muscularly amplified to the world. A month later, as the Chinese internet took a two-minutes hate on H&M, a new folly of videos followed the same exact path.
The H&M videos were better, but not Grade A viral content. Even so, they are a statement of intent. These are first tentative steps in a global propaganda campaign backed by huge resources. In China such campaigns have succeeded. They will likely work on the global internet too.

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More from @paulmozur

19 Dec 20
The world's best system of disinformation sits not in Moscow, but Beijing. A new leak shows how Beijing pulled on specialized software, censors, trolls, snitches, and police to exert precise control over the early narrative of the coronavirus pandemic. nytimes.com/2020/12/19/tec…
Videos that showed hospitals overrun, corpses in the streets, angry residents in lockdown were purged. Media was ordered not to call the virus fatal. Terms like lockdown were downplayed. The heroism of party officials was emphasized.
While controls were aimed primarily at a Chinese audience, officials were aware sought to use the censorship to impact opinions abroad. One directive instructed officials to “actively influence international opinion.”
Read 16 tweets
23 Nov 20
As Chinese officials hung thousands of cameras across Xinjiang, an abiding question has been how they process all that footage. We found an answer. They're using one of the world's fastest supercomputers. And it was built with American microchips. nytimes.com/2020/11/22/tec…
The supercomputer center is as bleak a symbol of dystopian tech as you can imagine. It sits at the end of a forlorn road that passes six prisons. The machines, powered by Intel and Nvidia, line the inside of a strange oval-shaped building with an inexplicably green lawn.
Top-end Nvidia and Intel chips helped the machine rank 135th fastest in the world in 2019. In the past two years the People's Armed Police and Public Security Bureau have built regional data centers next door, likely to cut latency as it crunches huge reams of surveillance data.
Read 11 tweets
5 Sep 20
Earlier this year Chinese police dragged Joanne Li from her house, manacled her to a chair, and interrogated her for 3 days. Her crime: sending a link on WeChat. For her, WeChat used to be fun. Now it reminds her of jail. nytimes.com/2020/09/04/tec…
Ms. Li's story is instructive as the Trump admin weighs a WeChat ban. In Toronto the app connected her to the Chinese community. But over time she saw how it disconnected that group from reality. Rumors were rife. Some were racist, others political: Image
When Huawei CFO Meng Wanzhou was arrested in Canada, she was unsurprised when Chinese friends in China started saying the country had no rule of law. But she was shocked when many of her Chinese friends in Canada agreed. It showed the power of a state-guided filter bubble. Image
Read 8 tweets
25 Aug 20
A mainland China style digital dragnet is descending on Hong Kong. In the past month HK police have broken into the Facebook account of one politician, hung a camera outside another's house, and tried to phish the login details to Jimmy Lai's Twitter. nytimes.com/2020/08/25/tec…
With the Nat Sec law biting, we're seeing more extreme tactics. Police pinned Tony Chung's head in front of his phone to trigger the facial rec. Then they held his finger to the phone's fingerprint scanner. Even tho neither worked, they seemed to break into his FB account later.
Agnes Chow's neighbors said a surveillance camera was set up by her doorstep. She shows how people are adjusting. She appointed a 2nd admin to her FB account, who worked with FB to shut it down after she was arrested. Here's her video tutorial to cybersec:
Read 6 tweets
11 Jun 20
So Zoom suspended the account of @ZhouFengSuo after he hosted a virtual vigil to commemorate the Tiananmen Square Massacre. Some context on Zoom in China: it has been on Chinese censor's radar for a while, but seems to have fallen thru the cracks. nytimes.com/2020/06/11/tec…
In Sept. 2019 Zoom was briefly blocked in China. In response a Zoom reseller posted instructions for real-name registration and said there had been a call from the Ministry of Public Security to follow the cybersecurity law. That got it out of the doghouse for the time being.
Yet as Zoom soared to prominence this year, Chinese could still get on anonymously and connect with the world. It was a bridge over the Great Firewall. For May 1, Zoom blocked unregistered Chinese accounts from being able to host meetings. They could only join as participants.
Read 10 tweets
5 May 20
I’m very proud. But worth saying, the situation in Xinjiang remains a terrible tragedy. Millions, like Ferkat’s mother, suffer silently under surveillance and intimidation. The bulk of our team is no longer allowed to report in China, so such abuses are now much harder to cover.
Proud to have been part of an amazing team and a huge thanks also to all the editors who are so indispensable and don’t get enough acknowledgement: @gillianwong @CRTejada @adriennecarter @puiwingtam @ellenjpollock1 @meslackman @panphil
Because all that matters is the work, going to take this chance to repost the pieces we did over the past year on Xinjiang. It's harrowing stuff, but a vital reminder of the deep costs of China's rising authoritarianism. Here's a look at Kashgar last year: nytimes.com/interactive/20…
Read 13 tweets

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