The plaintiffs had brought various tort claims against Facebook alleging that it facilitated sex trafficking.
2/ In addition to the negligence/products liability claims, Plaintiffs also brought claims under Texas's trafficking laws, opting not to proceed under federal sex trafficking law, which is not immunized under Section 230.
3/ SCOTX spent some pages bloviating about whether Justice Thomas's interpretation of Section 230 is right, ultimately concluding that they weren't going to follow it and instead agreed that the negligence/products liability claims should be dismissed pursuant to 230. All right.
4/ But then, the twist: the court held that the state sex trafficking claims were *not* preempted by Section 230.
To do so, the court had to read the exceptions to 230 immunity created by FOSTA-SESTA to exempt state civil sex trafficking claims from protection.
5/ Here's the problem: that's not what the law does. The law specifically states that civil claims under the *federal* sex trafficking statute are not immunized under 230.
6/ On its way to ignoring the literal words of the statute, SCOTX decided that Congress didn't really mean what it said, it was just providing a statutory *construction* under which Section 230 should be read.
7/ But that's total nonsense. Congress wasn't just pronouncing an overarching theory of what isn't immunized by Section 230. It literally *named the exact statute* that plaintiffs could avail themselves of. That is NOT a rule of construction! That's a very specific carveout.
8/ And *of course* claims under 1595 would treat defendants as speakers or publishers! That's the entire REASON for (e)(5)(A) in the first place. You wouldn't need the carveout if it wouldn't have fallen under 230 anyway. This is a baffling lack of comprehension of how 230 works.
9/ Justice Blacklock appeals to the "sense of Congress" that 230 isn't meant to immunize sex traffickers. But the text of (e)(5)(A) couldn't possibly be any *less* indeterminate! It literally names the statute under which claims aren't immunized!
10/ I don't think state laws slipped Congress's mind. (e)(5)(B) and (C) both go on to talk about *state law* (for criminal prosecutions)! It is clear that if Congress had intended to exempt state civil claims, it would have. SCOTX is creating ambiguity where there is NONE.
11/ And no ambiguity is created just because a plaintiff's lawyer advanced an argument in court. Lots of wrong understandings are advanced in court, and that's a poor excuse for ignoring the very clear text of a law.
12/ Without a hint of irony, Blacklock concludes that it's for Congress, not courts, to modernize statutes.
But his warped, tortured statutory construction (such as it is) did just that. Congress made a decision to only exclude federal law. It's not up to SCOTX to change that.
I still can't get over "the law is ambiguous because plaintiffs argue that the law doesn't mean what it very clearly says."
Some real barrel-scraping going on here.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
I'm sorry, why is this a thing? The roads were clearly fine and it's not like the tornado was lingering about. Should companies not send delivery employees to a place that USPS was probably sending letter carriers just because there was damage? Total nonsense.
2/ As I said yesterday, this case is really about the First Amendment. Florida tried to frontload Section 230, appealing to judicial restraint. But even if the court ruled on Section 230 preemption in Florida's favor, it would then still have to address the First Amendment issue.
3/ On the other hand, if the court rules on the First Amendment issue favorably to the law's challengers, it doesn't need to decide on how expansively or restrictively to read Section 230, thus avoiding a landmine. The First Amendment *is* the issue, and should be the prime focus
Florida desperately wants to change the conversation to #Section230 instead of the First Amendment, because that's the conversation they've always wanted this to be about; it's the political hot button they want to feverishly mash.
3/ So they frontloaded the 230 discussion.
But they get off to a bad start by claiming that 230 was prompted only by the Stratton Oakmont, which held Prodigy liable for user content because it engaged in *some* content moderation.
Much agitation against "big tech" is misguided & First Amendmently problematic (on both sides), but I do share two concerns:
1) Giving a govt agency regulatory power over platofrms is a bad, bad idea
2) Govt communication with platforms re: what should be banned is problematic.
Damnit give me that edit button.
Point blank: the government should not be advising social media platforms about what content they should moderate. Platforms should not be asking government. And if asked, the government should not answer (haha like the government has ever missed an opportunity to exert its will)
The Supreme Court pretty recently expressed its unwillingness to expand the state action doctrine in Halleck.
And Paul Domer was a student who wrote a law review article; he's not an expert. Marsh is inapt, and again, SCOTUS has been clear that it has no interest in expanding it
It would surprise me if @RLpmg wasn't doing this because they're engaged in some questionable practices.
Oh @pslohmann & @rlpmg, you thought you could scrub this didn't you. Too bad the Internet is forever and it's also...as you kindly pointed out...right there on your website, which has been archived just in case you try to weasel out of it: web.archive.org/web/2021062113…