Article 16 of NI Protocol is unique. It is unusual to have a general "safeguard" provision like this - a provision which allows either side to unilaterally suspend parts of a treaty without a dispute.

Here's a bit of niche EU legal history to ask where A16 comes from. A thread:
This provision is actually taken directly from the 1992 EEA Agreement. Look at the text of A112 of the EEA Agmt and you'll see that it is identical to A16 of the Protocol.

Surprising? Not really. In essence, both are about EU law and conditions under which it can be disapplied.
Its function in the EEA Agmt is to provide a de-facto "emergency break" on the application of single market rules in the event of exceptional circumstances. Originally, it was included to give EEA states some extra time to transpose relevant EU laws into their legal orders.
However, because the threshold for triggering A112 is very high and because the procedural requirements for doing so are not at all easy to overcome, this provision has rarely been used. In fact, I believe, only twice in nearly 30 years of the functioning of the EEA Agreement.
First, it was in 1995 when Liechtenstein tried to restrict the inflow of EU migrants and argued that the principle of free movement of people should be disapplied due to the country's tiny size.
EU countries agreed to Liechtenstein’s request, but only on a temporary basis. It ultimately led to a new migration arrangement with the EU, agreed in 1999. This introduced migration controls but also reaffirmed that the principle of free movement applies to Liechtenstein.
The second time was in 2008 when Iceland tried to use this clause during the banking crisis to introduce capital controls. But its use was contentious; it was seen to be at odds with EU treaty provisions aimed at protecting the free movement of capital within the single market.
Guess which member state objected to Iceland using this provision? Yup, the UK. Mainly because the UK was one of the most exposed member states to Iceland's measures. This ultimately led to a significant and well-known dispute between the UK (and the Netherlands) and Iceland.
What does this bit of niche EU history tell us?

1. While A16 is unique, it is clear what were its objectives and motives behind the EU including it in the EEA Agmt (and the Protocol): to offer an option of last resort, but not something to be used to legitimise non-compliance.
2. It is actually very hard to use this provision in practice. Not only is the threshold for using it very high, but there are also tricky procedural hoops to jump through before being able to use it. You need a solid case before triggering it; otherwise it only damages trust.
3. Finally, a bit of irony: the EU included this provision in both the EEA Agmt and the NI Protocol essentially as a way of protecting the single market. Now the UK might try to use the same provision to legitimise measures seen by the EU as damaging the single market.
That's my bit of niche EU legal history for a Friday afternoon! Have a lovely weekend all.

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More from @AntonSpisak

8 Jul
Lord Frost tells the Policy Exchange event this morning that the UK government will set out its approach to the Northern Ireland Protocol "in the next week or two" and "before the summer recess"
A lot of emphasis from Lord Frost and Brandon Lewis on the impacts of the Protocol: societal impacts and trade diversion.

They say that their "understanding" of the Protocol, at the time when it was signed, was that it was going to work differently.
It sounds to me like a government lawyer, somewhere in the deep corridors of Whitehall, has been instructed to prepare an Article 16 case.
Read 5 tweets
28 Jun
Whether true or not, there’s an important question over the legitimacy of using WhatsApp and other messaging apps for the conduct of official government business. From my own experience, messaging apps are used routinely for that and there need to be clear rules over their use.
In my view, the basic rules for using messaging apps for the conduct of official business should be:

- Use of apps only from Govt phones;
- Monitored and recorded in the same was as Govt email;
- Subject to FOI requests in the same way as other Govt comms channels.
Ministers and civil servants using apps on their private phones for making government decisions and/of coordinating government business – in such a way that cannot be subject to public scrutiny – should be prohibited by law.

It’s simply harmful for democracy.
Read 5 tweets
9 Jun
I’ve written in @prospect_uk with a little radical idea for how to make the Northern Ireland Protocol work.

It’s radical because it requires both sides to compromise. But for a small price, it could deescalate tensions & make the protocol more stable. /1
prospectmagazine.co.uk/politics/how-t…
The debate about sausages/chilled meat/pet passports/etc distracts from a more fundamental question that needs addressing:

Whether all goods produced in Great Britain but intended for sale *only* in Northern Ireland need checks upon arrival to NI. /2
I suggest not. There’s little risk of this kind of goods posing a threat to the integrity of the EU single market. And it is these goods which undermine the UK internal market, feed into the Unionist concerns, & lead to potentially unpredictable consequences on the ground. /3
Read 18 tweets
3 Jun
My piece in @Independent on the big question that much of Whitehall is desperately trying to figure out: now that Brexit is over, what do we do with the “sovereignty dividend”?

(Read beyond the headline, which isn’t mine)
I argue that the UK urgently needs a post-Brexit regulatory strategy and suggest three starting principles:

1. Minimise pointless divergence whenever it is not in the UK’s interests
2. Seek divergence from the EU only in areas with meaningful opportunities
Read 4 tweets
2 Jun
For the last few months I have been searching for the post-Brexit regulatory opportunities and today I have published a new @InstituteGC paper, together with David Britto, on what those opportunities may be.

institute.global/policy/after-b…

(A thread)
During the Brexit negotiations, we were told, Britain's mastery of its own affairs – aka "regulatory sovereignty" – is what Brexit is all about.

Here is @DavidGHFrost making a case for it last year, in Brussels, before the EU trade talks began. no10media.blog.gov.uk/2020/02/17/dav…… /2
The UK defended this view in the talks but ended up paying a big price: a thin trade deal with the EU with next to no regulatory provisions, and a border for goods moving from Great Britain and N Ireland. It feels reasonable to ask what the "sovereignty dividend" actually is. /3
Read 23 tweets
21 May
How many of UK MPs who passed Johnson's oven-ready deal on 22 October 2019 actually read the government's own impact assessment of the deal?

Unlike the "we didn't know this, we couldn't expect that" rhetoric, it spells out the consequence of NI Protocol in crystal-clear terms.
An important reminder by the Johnson govt about the reality of regulatory sovereignty:

"All of the associated costs are uncertain and dependent on future decisions on domestic regulatory policy and the EU’s future acquis."
"The Protocol will require additional checks covering all products subject to SPS provisions (including all products of animal origin, and regulated plants and plant products) to ensure compliance with the Single Market’s SPS regulations."
Read 9 tweets

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