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Jul 13, 2021 39 tweets 21 min read Read on X
You might have seen the Tory manifesto - sorry, Laurence W. Britt’s “14 Defining Characteristics of Fascism” circulating online.

The first version was published in an article titled “Fascism, Anyone?” in the Spring, 2003 issue of Free Inquiry, a secular humanist magazine.
Since then, many altered versions have been in circulation.

This article looks at the lists evolution, especially the version circulated on a website run by Jeff Rense, a right-wing talk radio host.

danielmalmer.medium.com/the-long-compl…
Jeff Rinse is accused of promoting antisemitism, & has given a platform to a number of racist extremists like David Duke. His website is teeming with conspiracy theories, & his show has hosted conspiracy theorists like Alex Jones & David Icke.

Anyway, let's explore the original.
Humanist magazine 'Free Inquiry' describes Laurence Britt as “a retired international businessperson, writer, & commentator", & the article as “the most reprinted — & most pirated — article in the magazine’s history.”

secularhumanism.org/2003/03/fascis…
Many people are concerned that in the USA, across Europe, & now in the UK, the principles of fascism are once again ascendant, & uncanny parallels exist between several modern Governments - including ours - & 'classic' fascist regimes.
Fascism is a political ideology & mass movement that dominated many parts of central, southern, & eastern Europe between 1919 & 1945 & that also had adherents in western Europe, the USA, South Africa, Japan, Latin America, & the Middle East.

britannica.com/topic/fascism
Although fascist parties & movements differed significantly from one another, they had many characteristics in common. Before getting to Laurence W. Britt’s “14 Defining Characteristics of Fascism”, I'll quickly list a few of the more obvious ones:
Militaristic nationalism
Contempt for electoral democracy & political/cultural liberalism
Belief in natural social hierarchy & the rule of elites
Creation of a Volksgemeinschaft (“people’s community”), in which individual interests would be subordinated to the good of the nation.
At the end of WWII, the major European fascist parties were broken up, & in some countries (eg Italy & West Germany) they were officially banned.

But beginning in the late 1940s, many fascist-oriented parties & movements were founded in Europe, Latin America & South Africa.
Most people who were adults during WWII are now dead: we're two-and-a-half generations removed from the horrors of Nazi Germany, although constant reminders jog our conscience.

German & Italian fascism form the historical models that define this grotesque political worldview.
The fascist worldview & characteristics of endure. Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, Franco’s Spain, Salazar’s Portugal, Papa dopoulos’s Greece, Pinochet’s Chile, & Suharto’s Indonesia all followed the fascist or proto/neo-fascist model in obtaining, expanding, & maintaining power.
Analysis of these seven regimes reveals fourteen common threads that link them in recognisable patterns of national behavior & abuse of power.

These basic characteristics are more prevalent/intense in some regimes than in others, but they all share some level of similarity.
I'm NOT commenting upon whether or not we can objectively suggest that Britain's current Govt might be considered proto/neo-fascist, rather, I'm simply outlining the characteristics uncovered by Laurence W Britt's 2003 analysis, which I quote in full.

Draw your own conclusions.
1 Powerful & continuing expressions of nationalism.

From the prominent displays of flags & bunting to the ubiquitous lapel pins, the fervor to show patriotic nationalism, both on the part of the regime itself & of citizens caught up in its frenzy, was always obvious.
Catchy slogans, pride in the military, & demands for unity were common themes in expressing this nationalism.

It was usually coupled with a suspicion of things foreign that often bordered on xenophobia.
2 Disdain for the importance of human rights.

The regimes themselves viewed human rights as of little value & a hindrance to realizing the objectives of the ruling elite.
Through clever use of propaganda, the population was brought to accept these human rights abuses by marginalizing, even demonizing, those being targeted.

When abuse was egregious, the tactic was to use secrecy, denial, & disinformation.
3 Identification of enemies/scapegoats as a unifying cause: the most significant common thread among these regimes was the use of scapegoating as a means to divert people’s attention from other problems, to shift blame for failures, & channel frustration in controlled directions.
Relentless propaganda & disinformation were effective; regimes would incite “spontaneous” acts against the target scapegoats, usually Marxists, socialists, liberals, Jews, ethnic minorities, traditional national enemies, other religions, secularists, gay people, & “terrorists.”
Active opponents of these regimes were inevitably labeled as (domestic) terrorists, & dealt with accordingly.

4 The supremacy of the military/avid militarism.

Ruling elites always identified closely with the military & the industrial infrastructure that supported it.
A disproportionate share of national resources was allocated to the military, even when domestic needs were acute. The military was seen as an expression of nationalism, & used to assert national goals, intimidate other nations & increase the power & prestige of the ruling elite.
5 Rampant sexism.

Regimes viewed women as second-class citizens. They were adamantly anti-abortion & homophobic. These attitudes were often codified in Draconian laws that enjoyed support by the orthodox religion of the country, thus lending the regime cover for its abuses.
6 A controlled mass media.

Under some of the regimes, the mass media were under strict direct control and could be relied upon never to stray from the party line. Other regimes exercised more subtle power to ensure media orthodoxy.
Methods included the control of licensing & access to resources, economic pressure, appeals to patriotism, & implied threats.

The leaders of the mass media were often politically compatible with the power elite. This kept the general public unaware of the regimes’ excesses.
7. Obsession with national security.

Under direct control of the ruling elite, it was usually an instrument of oppression, operating in secret & beyond any constraints. Questioning its activities was portrayed as unpatriotic or even treasonous.
8. Religion and ruling elite tied together.

Fascist & protofascist regimes were never proclaimed godless by their opponents. Most of the regimes attached themselves to the predominant religion of the country & chose to portray themselves as militant defenders of that religion.
The fact that the ruling elite’s behavior was incompatible with the precepts of the religion was generally swept under the rug. Propaganda kept up the illusion that the ruling elites were defenders of the faith & opponents of the “godless.”
9. Power of corporations protected.

Although the personal life of ordinary citizens was under strict control, the ability of large corporations to operate in relative freedom was not compromised.
The ruling elite saw the corporate structure as an additional means of social control.

Members of the economic elite were often pampered by the political elite to ensure a continued mutuality of interests, especially in the repression of “have-not” citizens.
10 Power of labour suppressed.

Organised labour could challenge the political hegemony of the ruling elite & its corporate allies, so it was made powerless.

A poor underclass was viewed with suspicion or contempt. Under some regimes, being poor was considered akin to a vice.
11. Disdain and suppression of intellectuals & the arts.

Intellectuals & the inherent freedom of ideas & expression associated with them were anathema to these regimes. Intellectual and academic freedom were considered subversive to national security & the patriotic ideal.
Universities were tightly controlled; politically unreliable faculty harassed or eliminated. Unorthodox ideas or expressions of dissent were attacked, silenced, or crushed. To these regimes, art & literature should serve the national interest or they had no right to exist.
12. Obsession with crime & punishment.

Most of these regimes maintained Draconian systems of criminal justice with huge prison populations.

The police were often glorified & had almost unchecked power, leading to rampant abuse.
“Normal” and political crime were often merged into trumped-up criminal charges and sometimes used against political opponents of the regime.

Fear, and hatred, of criminals or “traitors” was often promoted among the population as an excuse for more police power.
13. Rampant cronyism & corruption.

Those in business circles & close to the power elite used their position to enrich themselves.

The power elite would receive financial gifts & property from the economic elite, who in turn would gain the benefit of govt favoritism.
Members of the power elite were in a position to obtain vast wealth from other sources as well.

With the national security apparatus under control & the media muzzled, this corruption was largely unconstrained & not well understood by the general population.
14. Fraudulent elections.

Elections in the form of plebiscites or public opinion polls were usually bogus.

When actual elections with candidates were held, they would usually be perverted by the power elite to get the desired result.
Anyway, like I say, read widely, examine the evidence, & draw your own conclusions about the extent to which Boris Johnson's Government increasingly resembles a proto/neo-fascist state.

But remember, democracy is hard won, & fragile, & nobody took Hitler seriously to begin with.
Let me make it clear that I'm fully aware of Godwin's law, & I'm NOT saying Boris Johnson is a genocidal dictator, or the UK Government is a fascist regime.

However, here's another #THREAD about uncanny parallels between our Govt, & the early Nazi Party:

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More from @docrussjackson

Dec 12
🧵

Reform UK’s slick, stage-managed launch of a Christian Fellowship in St Michael’s Church is not some harmless Christmas-season publicity stunt. It is a clear and brazen step towards the Trumpification of UK politics, where religion is weaponised as a tool for cultural warfare and political mobilisation.

This is not organic Christian revival. It’s strategic political engineering.

Behind this development sit figures who have spent years trying to inject a US-style fusion of right-wing politics and religious identity into British political culture:

• Paul Marshall

A billionaire media financier with a clear ideological project: to build a hard-right cultural and religious counter-establishment. Through GB “News”, The |Spectator and UnHerd and other platforms he has amplified narratives about “woke attacks” on tradition, identity, and Christianity. The Islamophobic tweets he liked are disgusting. His network provides the media oxygen for precisely the kind of politicised Christianity on display at the Reform launch.

• James Orr

A Cambridge academic and prominent Anglican conservative intellectual, closely connected to the “post-liberal” movement and hard-right US conservative and Hungarian organisations. Orr openly promotes the idea of restoring Britain’s “Christian identity” through politics — a framing that sits uncomfortably close to the Christian-nationalist rhetoric of the US right. His advisory role to senior Reform figures is a clear sign of the ideological hardening underway.

• Danny Kruger

Long known for advocating a more “muscular” Christian politics, Kruger has repeatedly argued that the UK should explicitly root its laws and social policy in “Judeo-Christian values” - a dog whistle I explain in the next tweet.

This is the British echo of US culture-war evangelicalism: turning religion into a political badge, not a spiritual or moral tradition. His involvement in shaping Reform’s policy direction cements the party’s shift toward faith-infused populism.

• Calvin Robinson

Though no longer in the Church of England, disgraced former GBN presenter and political extremist Robinson remains one of the most prominent voices pushing an aggressive “anti-woke, anti-liberal” form of Christianity in the media — including endorsing narratives that paint inclusive or progressive churches as heretical. His alignment with Reform’s messaging shows how the party is deliberately courting polemical, grievance-driven Christian activism.

Together, these figures represent a new coalition: a British attempt to import the US religious-right model, with all its corrosive social consequences.

Using St Michael’s Cornhill — a church rooted in the conservative evangelical network — as the backdrop for this political spectacle is shocking in a UK context.

This is not merely a “religious event attended by politicians.” It was a political rally held in a church, wrapped in Anglican aesthetics.

The Church of England has historically avoided such political entanglement precisely because it knows how dangerous it is to let a religious institution become a vessel for partisan identity politics.

Britain is not America — but Reform UK wants to change that

What we are seeing is the deliberate construction of a political identity rooted in far-right themes lurching toward a contemporary form of Christofascism:

grievance Christianity
nostalgia for a mythic “Christian Britain”
hostility to minorities and multiculturalism
anti-LGBTQ+ theology rebranded as “family values”
anti-immigrant populism framed as moral duty
and a narrative of cultural siege identical to the US evangelical right

It is the Trump playbook, translated into British idiom.

This is disturbing, because once a political movement fuses religious identity with national identity, democratic debate changes: Opponents are no longer wrong — they are heretical. Policies are no longer argued — they are sanctified. Compromise becomes betrayal. And politics becomes a zero-sum culture war.

Britain has largely avoided this polarising poison. Reform UK is now trying to inject it directly into the bloodstream of national politics.

Reform UK’s “Christian Fellowship” is not about faith. It is the public unveiling of a British Christian-nationalist project — backed by wealthy ideologues, amplified by culture-war media, and borrowing heavily from the most divisive elements of the US right.

It is a serious warning sign of where Reform UK intends to take the country: toward a politics defined by religious grievance, cultural division, and the erosion of the pluralistic norms that have protected Britain from the worst excesses of American political extremism.
Read 10 tweets
Dec 9
🧵

How have populist UK politicians and Britain’s right-wing press and broadcasters got away with repeating — day after day, year after year — the brazenly false and wildly misleading claim that we live in a “high-welfare, high-tax” country? Image
Why the “High-Welfare, High-Tax” Myth Persists.

The claim that Britain is a “high-welfare, high-tax” country is a shameless lie—brazenly false—as OECD and OBR data consistently show: the UK's tax take is ~36% of GDP (mid-table globally, and well under the EU average of 40.5%). Image
The UK's total tax take of 36% is far under France's 45% or Denmark's 46%. Welfare benefits spending (including state pensions) is a modest ~11% of GDP—among the lowest in the OECD, well below the EU average of 17.5%, and just under half that of France (20.5%) and Italy (20%). Image
Read 31 tweets
Dec 8
🧵

Not only has Nigel Farage shamelessly normalized far right discourse, but Reform UK have welcomed a new generation of young, radicalised, Andrew Tate fanboys who think it's acceptable to spread divisive bigoted lies and disinformation, and to make crass bigoted 'jokes'. Image
Joseph Boam is a radicalised 22-year-old Tate fanboy who started out as a Tory, running as a district councillor, then switching to Reform UK in 2024 and becoming a councillor in May 2025 representing the Whitwick division on Leicestershire County Council for the Reform UK party. Image
A former KFC worker, who has worked with his dad on sheds and property renovation, despite his total lack of any relevant experience or knowledge of the area, he was appointed Council deputy leader and cabinet member for adult social care—which ispatently absurd. Image
Read 14 tweets
Dec 5
🧵

‘The Psychology of the New Far Right: Privilege, Fear, and Media Power in the Rise of Authoritarianism.’

Fear, belonging, and power are being manipulated into a frightening new age of populist outrage and algorithmic media, argues Dr Russell Jackson.

bylinesupplement.com/p/the-psycholo…
I've reproduced the article in 🧵 form, below, because its a subscriber only article from @BylineTimes.

You can subscribe here, and I would encourage you to - Bylines tells the stories and undertakes investigations many national news media fear to.

subscribe.bylinetimes.com
Across the West, figures such as Trump, JD Vance, Farage, Johnson, Tice, Kruger, and Lowe helped normalise far-right populist rhetoric within mainstream politics. Their appeal is anti-elite—yet they themselves embody the privilege they claim to challenge.

populismstudies.org
Read 91 tweets
Nov 21
🧵

In May, Reform UK became the UK’s first party to accept crypto donations; experts warned of major money-laundering and foreign interference risks.

The NCA says Tether—backed by Reform’s £13.7M donor Christopher Harborne—has been used by Russia to fund its war in Ukraine. Image
A multibillion-dollar scheme that exchanges cash from drug and gun sales in the UK for crypto—digital tokens hiding users’ identities—has enabling “sanctions evasions and the highest levels of organised crime, including providing money-laundering services to the Russian state”.
theguardian.com/politics/2025/…Image
In 2023, the hedge fund co-founded by GB "News" owner Paul Marshall, who employs 60% of anti-Net Zero Reform UK's MPs, had £1.8 BILLION invested in fossil fuel firms.

Harborne (who has Thai citizenship under the name 'Chakrit Sakunkrit) also makes money from fossil fuels.

Read 17 tweets
Nov 19
🧵

I and countless others are sick to death of the billionaire-funded Reform UK propaganda machine, GB “News”, and their decontextualised ‘facts’ that would make Goebbels blush.

Let’s examine the claim that “one quarter of foreign sex offenders come from just five countries”.
Yes, the raw data comes from a genuine Ministry of Justice (MoJ) prison census, but the way it’s being weaponised is deeply misleading.

The statistic sounds explosive, and deliberately so: a factoid engineered to sound like a revelation of hidden danger.
The right-wing information pipeline: a cherry-picked fragment of official data stripped of context, laundered through an opaquely funded “think tank” that isn't a think tank, amplified by billionaire-funded media, and weaponised by opportunistic politicians for electoral gain.
Read 38 tweets

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