A couple of comments on Johnson’s speech on levelling-up. I’m interested here in the constitutional issue: centralisation.
This is right (odd metaphors aside). Centralisation is a real problem.
It’s not obvious to me what this means or where it’s going. The first sentence appears to suggest giving other mayors the powers of the London mayor. But it’s worth noting how limited the London Mayor’s powers are compared to the powers of mayors in other big cities in Europe/US.
(Since Johnson refers to the success of mayors in other G7 countries, that’s a pertinent point.)
(Also pertinent to note the ways in which the current government has interfered with the London mayor’s patch when it just disagrees with him - eg on planning and transport.)
This tries to explain why we are so centralised - and at least admits that past Tory governments bear a lot of the blame (though it is then passed on to “irresponsible” local leadership, which raises the question of who should judge “irresponsibility”, apart from voters).
This sounds like a manifesto for decentralisation …
… but there’s a catch. The wrong people might win elections. So “we need accountability” (to whom?)
Decentralisation isn’t - and can’t be - “do what you can get elected to do, as long as we at the centre agree with it.”
“We don’t really know what to do, so please come up with some ideas”.
What does “strong, accountable leadership” mean? Accountable to whom?
Note, critically, the complete absence of any reference to creating viable local tax bases and sustainable sources of revenue other than central handouts. But that is critical to successful (and responsible) local government.
(Council tax is a hopeless - and inequitable - tax base.)
All in all, it’s hard to make much sense of this. But nothing there to suggest that decentralising power is a really serious policy objective.
One possible answer to the West Lothian Question now abandoned. (The WLQ is why 🏴 and 🏴 MPs should vote on 🏴 - only laws (eg Covid restrictions when 🏴 MPs can’t vote on equivalents in 🏴 and 🏴.)
The duty is to be found in s.1 of the International Development (Official Development Assistance Target) Act 2015.
That duty applies all the time. But if it isn’t complied with the Secretary of State must explain what has gone wrong (see (3) and what is being done to correct it (4)).
So far, 3 days later, no response from @ukhomeoffice. Assertions that the proposed offence doesn’t cover the RNLI rescuing asylum seekers at sea and landing them safely on shore aren’t any use without an explanation of why that is so.
Also, note the wording. What about individuals or shipping companies rescuing people in distress at sea? What, exactly, are the boundaries of the conduct to which this offence is said not to apply? What, for example, is meant by “distress” (would overcrowding be enough?)
Before you can answer those questions - important questions given the seriousness of the offence and the need to prevent loss of life at sea - you need to know where the alleged exception comes from and its legal basis.
Comments on a couple of Supreme Court cases out today. Those who fear/hope that the Supreme Court is dominated by activist judges looking for any excuse to impose a woke agenda under cover of the Human Rights Act will be relieved/disappointed.
First AB. Facts here.
The issue was whether that treatment violated Article 3 of the ECHR (inhuman and degrading treatment). Answer: no. Reason: the Strasbourg Court has not said that solitary confinement of a child is automatically contrary to Art 3. Following earlier cases, explained here.
Two immediate things leap from this list, from this side of the Atlantic. 1. The extent to which the US is regulated (see licensing requirements for many kinds of work).
2. The extent to which US regulation has not dealt with issues harmful to consumers that have, at least to some extent, been tackled by EU and U.K. regulation.
Very high level thought (treat it as an essay question): the combination of high regulation and regulatory failure to help consumers is a symptom of a seriously dysfunctional political system.
The instinct is to attack this as a way of dispensing patronage and avoiding scrutiny. And that instinct, with this government, is natural and prudent.
But there is a problem with the relatively small talent pool available from the Commons majority. One way round has been to appoint to the Lords - but that inflates an already engorged chamber and means appointing a legislator for life.
(And any remotely radical government will want to replace the HoL anyway).