I’m against the Labour leadership proscribing organisations because I’m against bureaucratic and disciplinary mechanisms for dealing with political problems - and if you license the use of those mechanisms, at some point they’ll be turned on you.
There are reactionary views across the spectrum in the Labour Party, including plenty held by individuals who aren’t in a group/faction (how do you “proscribe” that?). The only way to sort that is a more robust culture of open political debate and ideological confrontation.
In terms of my critique of the groups facing proscription, especially the ones whose main purpose is promoting left antisemitism, I undoubtedly have more in common with many who’ll support proscription than those opposing it.
But that’s why it’s even more important for those of us who *do* have a critique of left antisemitism to oppose the use of bureaucratic procedure to combat it. Ideological problems can only be confronted in an atmosphere which opens up speech/debate, not one which closes it down.
As an aside, it’s worth remembering that there were waves of expulsions of people associated with the far left, mainly Socialist Appeal and AWL (I was expelled twice!) in the early years of the Corbyn leadership, because the right still substantially controlled the machine.
Several prominent left voices now speaking up against proscription/expulsion were much quieter then, because they didn’t want to embarrass the Corbyn leadership and force it to “defend Trots”. It’s good they’ve found their voice but it’d be better if they’d been consistent.
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Some supporters of the ban, I’m sure, aren’t thinking beyond, “I’m bothered about antisemitism, these groups are the worst offenders, they should be kicked out.” I understand that impulse, but administrative/disciplinary mechanisms can’t deal with an ideological problem.
Other supporters of the ban undoubtedly see this is as part of a move against the left more generally, part of a tightening up of party culture that will inevitably have a deadening effect on political debate in general and criticism of the leadership specifically.
A problem with these “[thing] of the oppressor/[thing] of the oppressed” distinctions is that people invoking them often (not always, but often) stretch the category of “the oppressed” so it can include the ruling classes of basically any state claiming to oppose US imperialism.
In a relationship of direct colonial subjugation (e.g., Israel/Palestine, Turkey/Kurdistan, etc.), there is a national oppression that affects capitalists within the colonised national group as well as workers (although it doesn’t affect them equally/evenly!).
In a direct struggle for national liberation there *is* an important distinction between (say) the use of violence/other forms of coercion (although I wouldn’t call that “authoritarianism”, personally) on the part of an oppressed people and use by the state oppressing them.
“Dog whistle racism”? I’m not sure. That might be the case if it said “Johnson is Modi’s man”, or suggested Johnson was being puppeteered by a powerful “Indian lobby” in the UK, but as far as it goes, the actual content of the leaflet doesn’t seem objectionable to me.
What *can* be said is that it’s a late-in-the-day, opportunistic grab for votes. I want Labour to campaign about the issues on this leaflet all the time, not only when electorally expedient, and not only amongst voters assumed to already know/care about them.
There is a real conversation to be had about how the left navigates “communal” politics. There’s waaaay too much conceded to communalism (i.e., seeing “communities” as blocs with unitary interests that should be engaged with via “community leaders”) and not enough class politics.
This thread seems right. Some of the flack OJ is getting for “platforming” GG is unreasonable IMO, there’s a journalistic case for interviewing him. But if you see your journalism as fundamentally connected to your politics, as OJ does, the considerations in this thread matter.
I’m not accusing Owen of this, but there’s still too much “well, Galloway has gone off the rails a bit, but he’s still basically good on anti-imperialism/Palestine/Iraq, etc.”-type sentiment around on the left.
He’s not “good” on those things - he never was. His “anti-imperialism” is inseparable from his vicarious nationalism/sycophancy towards authoritarian regimes. His politics on “Palestine” are what impelled him to tweet about “no Israel flags on the cup” when Spurs (?!) didn’t win.
I’ve always stressed that antisemitism on the left has to be distinguished from the racialised antisemitism of the far right. Whilst the former is ideologically toxifying, the latter poses a far greater physical threat to Jewish safety. (1/9)
That’s still true, but if Williamson’s “Zionist teachers are violating children’s rights” rhetoric turns into any sort of serious campaign, I think that could also have implications for Jewish safety. (2/9)
The only way such a campaign could be enacted would be by demanding Jewish, or presumed-to-be-Jewish, teachers declare their views on Israel/Palestine, and if they refuse to respond, or fail to meet the “anti-Zionist” standard set by Williamson and co, hounding them. (3/9)
Seen this go viral. I’m sure the person with placard had good intentions, and obviously I don’t know what their grandfather’s beliefs are/were, but I think formulations like this are problematic and sail close to the sentiment I referred to here:
It’s likely some of the people dropping bombs on Gaza *are* descendants of Holocaust survivors. And? Should Allied armies have made survivors sign a waiver on the way out of camps? “You can leave as long as you promise your descendants will never do anything oppressive”? (2/8)
There’s an implication that having been a victim of attempted genocide should imbue you with a kind of heightened morality. Why? In fact, the conclusion many Jews drew from the Holocaust was that they would never be safe until they had their own, armed, state. (3/8)