1/ Explainer thread on what this is, and why it's a good thing to explore.
Many wealthier countries, including the EU and now the UK in its own right, allow a range of developing countries to sell them goods tariff free or tariff reduced, without a free trade agreement.
By providing developing countries an advantage in your market over (some) wealthier competitors, you give them the chance to build up export industries that create jobs and upskill their human capital.
(Not uncontroversial but won't get into that here)
3/ EU programs on this are called:
- The GSP, reducing some tariffs for developing countries.
- The EBA (Everything But Arms) eliminating tariffs for LEAST developed countries
- The GSP+ Plus, reducing GSP tariffs to 0% conditioned on joining 27 int. conventions
4/ The UK has largely rolled over these programs, and through this consultation is going to look at ways to make them more accessible.
But why might they be hard to access?
As so often with trade, the answer lies in paperwork and requirements.
5/ The UK don't want much richer industrial powerhouses exploiting this access as a back door into the UK market.
Eg. A car that's made in China then sent to Lesotho for a final coat of paint and "Made in Lesotho" sticker to dodge the UK car tariff.
6/ Not only would this be a circumvention of the UK tariff regime, but it would also mean very few actual jobs created in Lesotho.
It takes far fewer workers to paint a car than it does to build one.
Hence, these schemes have Rules of Origin requirements.
These are basically rules on "how locally made" a product has to be in order to qualify for lower tariffs under a trade deal, or a scheme like this.
8/ The challenge is that these rules can be both hard to meet, or simply very onerous to prove in terms of paperwork.
A Snickers bar has like 30 ingredients, some with sub-ingredients and involves multiple value addition steps and transformations. Good luck tracking all that.
9/ This has meant some exporters in the developing world who should be taking advantage of these schemes aren't, either because the rules are too strict or because the cost and effort to demonstrate compliance with them to the satisfaction of customs authorities is too high.
10/ There may also be other areas of trade related paperwork where these schemes can improve, which is why this consultation isn't just limited to rules of origin.
For example: are some product certifications even theoretically possible to acquire in a least developed country?
11/ This review is going to look at where the system can be made more accessible while balancing:
1⃣ Accessibility for developing country exporters
2⃣ Ensuring the schemes can't be exploited by 3rd countries
3⃣ Protecting the UK market from products that shouldn't be there.
12/ Brexit angle?
This is not a reform the UK could unilaterally launch while part of the European Union, and leading a process inside the EU to do this would be harder.
Of course flipside is end result will improve access to 64m, not 450m consumers and bifurcated requirements.
12a/ Great thread from @AnnaJerzewska (aren't they all) on some of the detail of what reforms may or may not accomplish for traders:
Under GDPR if you want to handle the data of EU citizens you have to either:
- Have an adequacy decisions from the EU; or
- Do a huge amount of expensive legal disclaimer/terms of reference work to effectively replicate GDPR for every user
If the EU hadn't granted this, a huge number of UK businesses that so much as store e-mail addresses would have potentially had to spend a lot of money on expensive additional GDPR compliance, stop serving EU customers, or risk fines.
1/ A few people have pointed out this paragraph in the UK's readout of the Australia-UK FTA Agreement in Principle and asked whether it means the UK will be accepting Australian standards after all👇
We obviously don't have the text, but my judgement is that's NOT what it means.
2/ Recognition of SPS measures is a pretty common thing to see in Free Trade Agreements.
Typically it's used when both sides have their own versions of laws that do the EXACT same thing.
So the agreement basically says, "Your law banning Y is as good as our law banning Y."
3/ Here's an example from CETA (Canada - EU FTA):
As you can see it lists specific EU regulations and matches them with specific Canadian laws, and then says that with some exceptions, they're considered equivalent.
This is my very rough attempt at illustrating how the sheep and lamb quota will work in the FTA based on the Australian government press release.
I've included the entire EU28 Quota as a starting comparison point. The post-Brexit UK "share" of that quota is a bit smaller.
This is beef. The EU28 Quota is a lot more complicated here.
Australia got 7,150 tonnes per annum of "High Quality Beef" and split a 6,625 tonne Grain-Fed quota with Argentina, Canada, Uraguay and New Zealand every quarter. I've (generously) included the total of all of that.
This is sugar.
EU28 Quota on the chart here is the Australia exclusive portion of the EU28 Quota, but there's also a much larger quota that the entire world (including Australia) gets to fight over.
I don't think it's responsible for the media to print the comments of anyone calling for the abolition of the Northern Ireland Protocol without at least roughly sketching out what should replace it.
The NIP is a compromise in damage mitigation.
It's not meant to be make anyone happy. It was an attempt to to find a balance between everyone's unhappiness that preserves the peace, the Union and the Single Market.
An effort the PM and his boosters celebrated at the time.
The reason it was adopted instead of any of the other options is that everything else was even more politically unacceptable.
Remaining in the SM/CU - No for UK
No Border at all - No for EU
Border between Ireland/EU - No for EU/Ireland
Border on the Island - No for everyone
This June 3 demarche doesn't appear to have changed much.
Given how high the domestic and EU-relations stakes are, it would actually be somewhat disturbing if a private diplomatic rebuke by the US charge d'affaires was the secret sauce needed to alter the UK's position or tone.
At some point over the last two years, perhaps in a rare brush with observable reality, conservative opinion shapers in the UK stopped elevating a US FTA to the status of Brexit Golden Idol to be attained at all cost and worthy of any sacrifice.
That's actually healthy.
The flip side of UK conservative thinking pivoting to looking at a potential US FTA deal like a trading nation considering an agreement, rather than like a 4 year old looking at mommy, is that the US threatening to withhold it no longer carries nearly the same weight.