"The politics of support have trumped the politics of power to such an extent that the Conservative Party has broken with almost everything it might once have seemed to be its function to defend". Richard Vinen on "The Conservative Nation" since 1974. onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.11…
Lots to think about in this essay. How did the "politics of support" go from being a vehicle for "the politics of power" to subsuming it altogether? A leadership class drawn from PR/the media, with very short careers & little prior experience of govt, must be important here.
Or is it inevitable in democracies - in which "power" depends on the organisation of electoral "support" - that the boundary between them will eventually collapse: that parties will stop thinking of campaigning as a means to power & start regarding govt as a tool for campaigning?
The ability of a campaigning organisation (Vote Leave) to take over a governing party is obviously striking here. And Cummings is a curious case-study: a campaigning figure who professes an obsession with the working of govt, but who was quickly spat out by the machinery of power
Vinen suggests that the transformation in Conservatism since 2016 has been more dramatic than under Thatcher, who thought within the continuity of the Cold War. As I've argued in the past, 1990 may be a more important dividing line in UK politics than 1979 newstatesman.com/politics/uk/20…
Vinen also emphasises changes in party organisation: "all parties are now driven by their members in ways that can sometimes make MPs and ordinary voters seem like spectators to the political process". We should think very hard about the implications of this for our democracy.
Lots more food for thought in here. Vinen is always such a thought-provoking writer, and the article is worth reading whether or not you are familiar with Andrew Gamble's work. onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.11…

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More from @redhistorian

22 Jul
Lying to Parliament was once thought to be among the most serious offences any Member could commit. That's why the *allegation* of lying was treated with such severity.

Now that the sanction against lying has collapsed, punishing the allegation simply protects the offender.
A culture in which ministers can lie with impunity, while MPs are punished for calling them out, is manifestly absurd. If the House will not punish dishonesty - which would be the best solution - it must stop pretending it never happens.
Above all, our democracy needs to stop treating those who lie as roguish scamps, scrumping apples from the orchard. To quote @OborneTweets, "political lying is a form of theft. It means voters make democratic judgments on the basis of falsehoods. Their rights are stripped away".
Read 4 tweets
13 Jul
"No prime minister of modern times has been so deeply rooted in the Establishment. None has been so routinely tipped for greatness. And yet few retain such an enduring air of mystery".

My profile of David Cameron, who left office five years ago today. gladstonediaries.blogspot.com/2016/06/the-ca…
Comparisons between Blair and Cameron were always overblown. Unlike the Labour leader, Cameron was not temperamentally drawn to change.
"Cameron had secured for his party "the right to be heard". But having cleared its throat and stepped up to the microphone, it appeared to have nothing much to say". It was the financial crisis of 2008 that was to give Cameronism the purpose it had previously lacked.
Read 7 tweets
25 Jun
Can "everyday politics" breathe new life into the Left, in an age of populism & popularisation? Really interesting discussion on the @MileEndInst podcast, featuring @colm_m, @mds49 & @ea_robinson, inspired by Marc Stears' recent book: "Out of the Ordinary" anchor.fm/mile-end-insti…
As I argued here last month, "If there is one lesson that Labour desperately needs to relearn, it is its faith in ordinary people". gladstonediaries.blogspot.com/2021/05/starme… Image
As @mds49 noted, one challenge for the Left is that it rightly wants to talk about big ideas & heroic changes; but as soon as it does that, it risks becoming detached from the experience & language of normal life. I wondered whether there's a longer-term reason for that?[cont...]
Read 6 tweets
24 Jun
Fighting breaks out in the House of Commons in 1893. The newly-elected Labour MP, Keir Hardie, describes the scene for the papers.

"As for Mr Gladstone, he was pallid to the lips. To him it must have been as the desecration of the Ark of the Covenant to Moses of old."
Conservative MP Ernest Beckett: "‘I seized one of them [the Irish Members], at which three others threw themselves upon me and by sheer weight of numbers bore me to the floor … A general mêlée began, members striking out wildly at each other". Hardie takes up the tale...
The Unionist Edward Carson thought a Radical had started it, and blamed Gladstone. Conservatives accused the PM of failing to step in and stop the fighting. (Spoiler: he was 83 years old).
Read 6 tweets
24 Jun
No. The purpose of education is to give people the skills to live a fulfilling life.

Human beings are not just workers. We are citizens, neighbours, parents and friends - those who cannot work and those who can - and our lives are enriched by far more than our salaries.
Curiously, Conservatives used to criticise "socialists" for viewing humanity simply as workers. Keith Joseph, Thatcher's mentor, thought that the "economics first approach has aggravated unhappiness & social conflict". Angus Maude wrote this in a 1969 manifesto for Conservatism:
Even Margaret Thatcher thought that "man needs more than material things". The aim of government, she declared, was "to build a flourishing society – not an economic system".
Read 4 tweets
23 Jun
Reading the 1893 Irish Home Rule debates, when Gladstone - half blind, deaf, 83 years old - carried his Bill single-handed through the Commons, speaking more than 80 times (often at 1 or 2am) & delivering some of the greatest speeches of the C19th. And all I can think of is...
Like Christopher Lee, Arthur Balfour knew he was hopelessly outmatched. Image
Unfortunately, Lord Salisbury controlled the Upper House, and threw out the bill by one of the largest majorities in the history of the Lords: 419 votes to 41. Image
Read 4 tweets

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