Here's @mattyglesias with an economic case for natalism. I like the Romer innovation argument and in general natalism as "saying yes to people" and making it easier to have more babies is great. But natalism irrespective of women's interests is not great.
Am I just swinging at a strawman? Does natalism assume we're only talking about making it easier (for women) to choose to have more babies? Yglesias even mentions the religious angle, that making people more religious would be pro-natalist, but there's no policy lever for that.
But that gets to what I'm talking about. For many varieties of religiosity, increasing religiosity is going to be in some tension with the empowerment of women that I talk about in my thread.
But anyway this is largely academic. I like all the policies Yglesias talks about.
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When there are protests against an anti-American authoritarian regime, you inevitably get tankies claiming the protests are US "ops," paid protesters, etc. It's *just* as annoying that you also get chicken hawks calling for regime change. 1/2
1. Migrant-friendly coalitions should stress the positive-sum angle of cross-border solidarity. The economic growth benefits of immigration are pretty ironclad. This is the absolute benefit Bertram identifies. There's still the relative standing to address ...
2a. Stress and *cultivate* the political advantages of free movement. More workers at least potentially means more labor power in struggles against the oligarchic class. This at least addresses relative standing against the domestic rich, if not the rest of the world.
I liked this defense of free movement against the "threat" of cultural change by @donovanchoy at @libertarianism very much. From the impossibility of genuine preservation (left) to the defense of openness in the Kukathas invocation (right). 1/3 libertarianism.org/articles/cultu…
I've been dusting off some of my old open borders writings preparing for a new essay. This is very much in the spirit of what I was trying to write here: 2/3 openborders.info/blog/the-illus…
I was vibing along to the @donovanchoy piece when I was thrown out of my reverie by my old open borders nemesis: "keyhole solutions." The juxtaposition w/ Kukathas is interesting given his concern for the extent of control *over natives* that immigration restriction brings. 3/4
I want to describe a phenomenon that partially explains the stickiness of hostility toward and misinformation about the whole suite of social justice concepts. Here's a THREAD from personal experience.
As a youngster in the late 90s/early 00s I read a lot of folks who would go on to become the "IDW". Dawkins, Shermer, Harris, Pinker, etc. This was my introduction to "intellectual" fare. I have no regrets about this, but it built a certain ideological momentum. 2/
Dawkins, to take one example, was a legit scientist—the Selfish Gene was one of the first "big books" that I read and it was excellent—who wrote beautifully, stoked my nascent atheism, and had some apparent authority both in his field and generally as a public intellectual. 3/
At first I thought this must have been a stirring community defense of the Adam Smith statue against removal. But, even better, it was a successful direct collective action against UK Immigration Enforcement's attempt to remove immigrants. Most impressive, Glasgow!!
What a curiously strongly worded tweet. Who are the good counter-examples? Adam Smith obviously. Condorcet, Lafayette, de Staël, Constant, Say. Does Paine count as a liberal? Who else?
Anyway I'm all in favor of dunking on liberals where they go wrong. Many liberals did defend slavery! Also imperialism, patriarchy, etc. But one of the more interesting things about reading the early liberals is how it was often *later* liberals who flubbed these issues.
.@HelenaRosenblat's Lost History of Liberalism and @Jennife31863712's Turn to Empire provide good material for the view that later liberals, partly due to gaining some actual power, lost their way on—from the perspective of we moderns—some crucial issues.