The latest UCLA Housing Voice Podcast episode is out—give it a listen & subscribe! This time we interview @planning_mkim about different approaches to value capture, a really important topic with a lot of nuance to explore. This was a fun one. lewis.ucla.edu/2021/08/18/08-…
The paper we focus on is titled "Negotiation or Schedule-Based? Examining the Strengths and Weaknesses of the Public Benefit Exaction Strategies of Boston and Seattle," which can be found here: tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10…
A while back, I summarized some interesting charts and passages from the paper in the thread linked below. We also always provide key takeaways and passages from the papers we discuss on our website, linked in the first tweet.
Value capture, as the term is often used now, is a strategy for redirecting value created by regulatory reforms (such as zone changes) from private benefit (i.e., higher land values) to public benefit (e.g., income-restricted units). There are different ways to do it though.
(More traditionally, value capture has referred to similar efforts to capture value from public investments, like rail lines or parks, and while we discuss that in the interview it's not our focus. An important distinction though!)
Dr. Kim compares schedule-based exactions, which are formulaic and can't be negotiated up or down, to negotiated exactions, which, as the name implies, are negotiable and can vary project to project. The findings are kind of surprising!
On the one hand, negotiated exactions in Boston yield more public benefits than schedule-based exactions in Seattle. We'd expect this, because negotiation should allow for the requirements to be more closely tailored to the project conditions.
On the other hand, we would expect negotiated exactions to cause more delay for projects—negotiations take time and create uncertainty. But in fact, projects in Boston were approved faster on average than those in Seattle (tho w/ more variability in Boston).
A few takeaways from this case study: 1) Competence matters. Boston seems to have a uniquely professionalized negotiation process, and it shows. 2) Details matter. Seattle's exactions are more straightforward, but it also has a design review process that creates a lot of delay.
(I imagine @STCActionFund could comment a lot more on the design review process. I would guess that the design review commission *could* work more efficiently, just like negotiations in Boston, but unfortunately that's not how things work today.)
A third point: Even though Seattle's process is actually somewhat slower on average, it is still less uncertain than Boston's and with less risk of outright denial. This probably helps explain why Seattle builds more housing overall, and in smaller projects. (That's good.)
In the rest of the conversation we look beyond Seattle and Boston and ask what cities could do instead. @MichaelManvill6 suggests a (but admittedly more politically difficult) land value tax, or at least a transfer tax to help capture value.
Mike emphasizes that our current approach to value capture, at least in most places, penalizes people who build housing and rewards those who do not. We reward speculation on land and penalize the people who put their money at risk to help resolve the housing shortage.
Mike wrote more about value capture here, in this excellent paper, and you'll hear some of the same ideas in our interview: lewis.ucla.edu/research/value…
It was a really fun conversation, and if you've been curious about why we do value capture, how we do it, its flaws and strengths, and how we might do it differently, this episode is for you. Thanks again to @planning_mkim for joining us!
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
Despite being extremely tame by European standards, this design feels very "busy" for the US. And that's good! It's underappreciated how much a sort of messy / overwhelming street design can improve safety. People generally drive more safely in uncertain conditions.
Note: I'm not a traffic engineer and I'm sure there are cases where this doesn't hold true, where "busy" or "messy" designs make things more dangerous. But roundabouts are a good example: lots of people find them unpleasant or uncomfortable, but they're quite safe as a result.
I guess what I'm saying is, more lines on pavement please.
Governments regulate housing markets, and some places have much worse outcomes than others. I really don't understand how some people, often those living in places with the worst outcomes, have so much faith that increased govt control of housing will lead to something better.
Personally, I think the government should play a bigger role in the housing market. I believe in the power of govt to do good things. But if your govt can't even regulate the market for somewhat better outcomes, why assume it can take far more responsibility and be successful?
If you believe government should do more to intervene in the housing market, awesome, me too. If you think we shouldn't bother trying to improve outcomes that the market can deliver on, and has in other places and other times, or that it's somehow counterproductive... nah.
Yet another case of a property owner filing a development application and having someone maliciously file a historic preservation application on their behalf, against their will. This time, a former Chili Bowl of such great historic value that it's currently a sushi restaurant.
I have a new paper at the @UCLALewisCenter! This one's pretty wonky, but I hope it helps illuminate how the timing of fees and other development costs really matters — a dollar paid today is very different from a dollar paid 3 or 5 years from now. lewis.ucla.edu/research/reduc…
The gist of the paper is this: Many development fees are paid early, at building permit issuance, with equity or debt. By the time devs recoup that expense they might be paying back 150% of that amount to their investors or lenders. This makes it more expensive to build housing.
I should note that, in general, this applies to for-profit as well as non-profit developers.
Americans are set to buy 170+ million new cars between now and 2030. At an average cost of around $38K, that's about $6.5 trillion—before accounting for gas (or electricity), insurance, repairs, etc. Imagine what people could do with that money if we made driving optional. 1/
Right now most people feel they have no realistic alternative but to buy a car, and our politicians are doing virtually nothing to change that. Their inaction is going to cost us trillions of dollars, hundreds of thousands of lives, and, ultimately, our planet's ecosystem. 2/
It's so frustrating to see how much we spend on transportation investments we all hate—cars and more traffic—and no urgency to change it. Even the money we spend on it in LA is laughably small compared to what its residents spend on cars—because they feel it's necessary. 3/