Let's talk a bit about how we estimate the greenhouse gas impacts of federal legislation. Cause if we're about to pass a big infrastructure bill that is responsive to the IPCC report, it's important we get our numbers right. Thread:
1/ Here's the short version: we should, but we don't. We calculate the fiscal impact of legislation, but not the climate impact. That's a problem.
3/ But in the meantime, you'll often hear folks (including me) talking about the climate impact of our bills. How we do that, and where we slip up is really important if we are going to understand whether what we are about to do is sufficient.
4/ Outside experts reviewed the GHG impact of all our legislation from the @ClimateCrisis report. It was a careful, honest and complete calculation.
5/ Careful & honest because we evaluated not just the impact of every piece of legislation we proposed, but also how they interacted with one another. (For example, the impact of a wind PTC is lower if you also have a CES decarbonizing PTC-displaced power)
6/ Incomplete because we did not have the time or protocols in place to evaluate the benefit of legislation that didn't expressly include a change in energy use, so understated the total impact.
7/ For example, legislation to require standard greenhouse gas disclosure by public companies would undoubtedly lower the cost of capital to clean tech and accelerate deployment but we were unable to calculate that impact.
8/ So now shift to where we are today. We are in a rush to craft the details of our infrastructure package. We have a scientific and moral obligation to make sure it slashes CO2 emissions. And yet we have no existing *independent* entity to do that calculation.
9/ And let's be clear: independence matters. There is a reason we have the non-partisan CBO calculate the fiscal impact of bills. The political temptations to tilt subjective judgments one way or the other are too strong. And (let's be honest) the math is complicated.
10/ An old colleague of mine liked to say "no one would bowl if you didn't keep score". When don't keep score of the climate impact of our proposed legislation, it's hard to prioritize climate-friendly legislation.
11/ And note that this is just as true for positive as negative changes. We calculate how many dollars legislation will cost the federal treasury AND how many dollars of revenue other bills will bring in. We need to do the same with greenhouse gas scoring.
12/ (The only reason that anyone still thinks CCS with enhanced oil recovery is a CO2-reduction measure is because there is no honest scoring... just so you understand the stakes.)
13/ For now, know that our office is pushing very hard for honest, and complete GHG scoring of our infrastructure legislation. Know also that such a protocol does not yet exist, and we're running out of time.
14/ And keep this in mind if you hear anyone claim to know what the GHG impact of that bill is. Unless they can show you their work, show you where the double counts are corrected and show you that they've netted out the dirty stuff... their work is incomplete. /fin
Postscript: there was a small typo in tweet 4, now fixed thanks to a delete and replace. [insert grumbling about how much I'd like an edit function.]
Double post-script. Tweet 4 still has a typo. Should say INcomplete. Grr.
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This is a good read to understand what to make of the conversations about whether it is fiscally prudent to spend $3.5T on additional infrastructure spending, but leaves out one important point (brief thread): cbpp.org/research/feder…
1/ First, the $3.5T we are talking about is gross spending. It is not a net amount. Focusing on that number alone is one hand clapping, akin to judging whether someone is paying too much for rent and groceries without knowing their income.
2/ Second, this is a 10 year figure. The current federal budget is about $5T/year, or $50T/10 years. $3.5T (net of offsets, per prior) is not especially large relative to current annual federal spending, or to our ~$21.4T/yr ($214T/10 yr) total GDP
This logic from Sinema is fatally flawed, insofar as it implicitly assumes that our founders were wrong about the idea that hard questions are best decided by the will of the majority. Brief thread: washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/…
1/ Today, with the filibuster in place the Senate is prohibited from DEBATING bills that are opposed by the minority. Not voting. Debating. It serves no purpose but to sustain ignorance.
2/ But since the Senate can't vote on a bill until they've debated it, it also blocks the vote. Ergo, our founders idea that hard questions should be resolved by the will of the majority has been inverted. Hard questions are now resolved by the will of the minority.
Read Sotomayor's dissent. She understands the stakes, both for women and for the very legitimacy of the Supreme Court. I wish I could say the same of the majority of the justices. supremecourt.gov/opinions/20pdf…
"the Texas Legislature has deputized the State’s citizens as bounty hunters, offering them cash prizes for civilly prosecuting their neighbors’ medical procedures"
"By prohibiting state officers from enforcing the Act directly and relying instead on citizen bounty hunters, the Legislature sought to make it more complicated for federal courts to enjoin the Act on a statewide basis."
This is heartbreaking and going to become ever more common. Moral issues inseparable from economic issues inseparable from climatological issues. No easy answers but one: we'll get it wrong if we keep punting on hard questions. Thread: nytimes.com/2021/09/02/cli…
1/ Per the latest IPCC report, 1-2 feet of sea level rise by mid-century is already locked in. (That's a global average, so higher in some spots). Huge parts of the SE US and eastern seaboard are underwater at that level. This is within our lifetime.
16 years ago, the company I was running had just shipped a power plant to a factory in Pearlington MS. We were waiting to schedule commissioning when we heard that a storm, headed for New Orleans had veered east and our customer was now right in the target.
That was bad for us but widely understood at the time to be good for New Orleans because it meant Katrina wouldn't be quite as bad for the folks who lived there.
Sharing only because this sentence scares me: "The powerful Category 4 storm made landfall on the same date Hurricane Katrina ravaged Louisiana and Mississippi 16 years earlier, about 40 miles (64 kilometers) west of where Category 3 Katrina first struck land."
This thread is worth reading. But it's also really important to understand that this scientific precision describes a *political* distinction without a difference if it justifies inaction that we would never tolerate in any other milieu. Consider:
1/ Your grades in high school didn't affect your current employment / job satisfaction / salary. But it's virtually certain they contributed to the trajectory of your life up to this point.
2/ A business' decision to pay out dividends that took away their cash cushion didn't cause their subsequent bankruptcy when a surprise downturn came, but it's virtually certain that decision contributed.