I've long argued that administrations fail/fall less from the doings of their critics/enemies and more as a result of a misstep by presidents including their eventual inability to corral their coalitions. Outside pressure is constant given, but will fail in and of itself.
What will do a president or administration in is as old as the story of power itself: more often than not, hubris (granting this is always accompanied by nemesis).Even when there is an instance when there is an "emperor has no clothes" moment, that's often self-inflicted.
Anyway what had long left me wondering was the inability vto prove any financial wrongdoing on the part of the president, because of the lack of any glaring proof to the contrary, because his lifestyle is fairly modest and lacks the trappings of rich living. Tho some did point...
to portable items like watches and motorcycles but that is peanuts compared to the excess that outraged the public in the past. What allegations have been whispered are small potatoes relatively speaking and strictly small town in scale. There simply was no proof to be seen.
To be sure he barricaded himself behind a samdbag wall of threats, as .@BoomBuencamino cataloged recently…
Which is wqhy it's no coincidence that it's in the traditional lame duck season that the accusations are not only getting more pointed, but armed with actual evidence. Consider the face shield revelations. One could even argue it's been enough to (temporarily at least) deflate...
the Go trial balloon. The timing was enough to revive the Pacquiao-Pimentel insurgency, and perhaps even get enough people to start talking (seriously) of bad blood between the President's daughter and himself plus Go. These aren't tussles that can be rationally explained away.
It still spares the President in the manner allegations against Imelda Marcos spared her husband on the excuse that he was either deceived or betrayed; the same can be said of the spat between the President's daughter and Go, on the same grounds. It becomes a destabilizing...
conflict precisely because it can't be explained away or factored in on rational grounds: so used to the formerly solid (or solid-appearing) front that even critics are skeptical something so formerly ironclad could be unraveling over "feelings." But it happens. And if so...
it pulls the plug on the fear factor. Here the surest sign of this isn't exactly in politics but the pandemic fatigue that is, anecdotally at least, resulting in observance of pandemic restrictions more in the breach than anything else. The government is out of ideas. The public
has taken the measure of the authorities --as vit always does-- and decided it can do what it damned well pleases because the limits of what government can do is obvious to everyone. It's difficult to empirically define but we as a citizenry knows when these moments arrive.
I've been arguing the President isn't really bold, what he does is create straw men --easy targets-- for the spectacle of knocking them down knowing ahead of time they can't, or won't, put up a real fight. He is running out of useful targets to knock down. Which is not to say he
lacks the residual momentum or motivation to try to arrange a succession on his terms: fear is still there, money is there, and the pandemic works in his favor by suppressing turnout, possibly. Nor does his running out steam mean the nation's infatuation with wanting iron-fisted
rule has played out. I still believe we are in that period where one era, the liberla-democratic one defined by 1986-2016, has ended, and another, order-craving one, has begun. I still think the pandemic will only feed that craving, not repudiate it. The only phenomenon more
interesting than the current Autumn of the Patriarch, is the seeming (to me, anyway) inability of Ferdinand Jr. to recapture what he lost in 2016 --that aura of looming inevitability-- in which the political class seems reluctant to engage him, to the extent that his own sister
has been dangling him as a potential veep to Inday Sara --a humiliating recognition of reality which probably has a healthy dose of malicious enjoyment on the part of his sister. Satisfying that may be, it still leaves the various strands of the old Center and Left as outliers.
If one looks at public opinion, for the ruling coalition, the worst is over; there is a kind of opening for a Stockhold Syndrome to work: having survived, there is a weird solidarity possible to pitch. And plenty of room to pitch more of the same as an antidote to taking a risk.
To officialdom, the political players, a pitch can be made for the most accountability-free six years in living memory; to the middle and upper classes, for retaining an iron grip rather than risk a relaxation and thus even more of an upsurge in crime; to accomplices, protection.
These are all powerful, attractive because self-interested, appeals, in contrast to the appeals to idealism and unity on the part of generations-old antagonisms experienced by forces loosely defined as the "opposition."
But in closing: no one expected the ruling coalition to fragment and fight amongst itself like it's doing now, and there lies the unpredictability of things.
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Today is the birth anniversary of The Great Dictator who’s enjoying a posthumous rehabilitation primarily through online revisionism. The generations that disowned him have come to discover new generations cultivated to admire him. A thread of readings on what this says about us.
A reflection, on the centennial of his birth, on his life story being the incarnation, in many ways, of his generation's resentments: his success was considered a validation of a particular Filipino way of thinking and doing. quezon.ph/2017/09/11/spo…
Prepping materials for (possibly) my first vlog; some slides I have often used in presentations as exceedingly useful in discussing what we think people think when we think of how they think through their votes, a thread.
1. From "Vote of the Poor," the characteristics of a bad leader/good leader and what people claim influences them most in deciding whom to vote for.
Ateneo study, "The Preferred Filipino Leader: How do our current leaders measure up?" A kind of word cloud of feelings. After all politics is about feelings.
An interesting read, on the communication styles of Robredo, Lacson-Sotto, and Moreno, with the author making the case for Moreno being the successful communicator with a winning message. My own quick thoughts in thread. link.medium.com/KbonhYYOojb
First on Veep: the biggest obstacle was news on her didn’t/wouldn’t get out, and here media deserves scrutiny aside from the tactics of swarming her supporters on the part of the President’s people.
Second on Lacson-Sotto; it seems clear their angle is to pitch themselves as improved (calmer, more competent, not-wierd) version of the strongman leadership 2016 proved is a sizeable and energized constituency. Plus as senators they are proven vote-getters on a national scale.
My column today points out if there is one government office that has known what to do throughout this pandemic, and has done it successfully, it's the Vice President and her office. opinion.inquirer.net/143937/the-wid…
Also for #ScholarlySunday in case you haven't read him yet, the papers of Peter Kreuzer make for fascinating reading. In this thread, fourof his papers that are must-reads on the President, liquidations, and the so-called "war on drugs". researchgate.net/profile/Peter-…
For #ScholarlySunday three readings that I'm finding interesting/thought-provoking/challenging. A thread. Why not reply with a link to a paper you've discovered and enjoyed/found useful recently? Brief comment and links to each paper below.
This paper by a Japanese scholar takes a cue from Erik Hobsbawm's fascinating book on outlaws to try to frame an explanation for the President's popularity. academia.edu/37041648/Bandi…
This paper by one of the most original thinkers of our time looked at the dominant academic discourse and dared to not only challenge it, but dissect it. academia.edu/7558083/Postco…