Good competitive strategies flow from net assessments. If we want to compete effectively against the CCP, we need to identify their weaknesses first.

A particular (and peculiar) weakness for Xi Jinping: Maoism.

My latest, in @TheNatlInterest nationalinterest.org/feature/mao%E2…
True, Xi literally copy-pasted Mao’s cult-of-personality playbook to secure his hold on power.

But Maoism is also giving voice to millions of Chinese who increasingly wonder whether Xi’s “China Dream” applies to them.
Even as China’s economy has boomed over the past three decades, income inequality has bedeviled the nation. Today, roughly six hundred million Chinese—nearly double America’s population—live off a monthly income of $140. (@LiYuan6 ⤵️) nytimes.com/2020/06/11/bus…
Even for those lucky enough to work for big tech companies like Tencent or Alibaba, the grueling work hours and overtime aren’t translating into staples of prosperity like homeownership. (Allen Wan & @emmadonghui ⤵️) bloomberg.com/news/features/…
The resulting populist frustration is fueling Mao’s bottom-up comeback. (Again, @LiYuan6 ⤵️)

"Mao's words provide justification for the anger many young people feel toward a business class they see as exploitative" nytimes.com/2021/07/08/bus…
Xi has responded by arresting Maoist activists (@RadioFreeAsia) rfa.org/english/news/c…...

...canceling a Maoist conference (again, @RadioFreeAsia) rfa.org/english/news/c…...

...and censoring China's own Olympians (@song_eleanor ⤵️) thedailybeast.com/chinese-nation…
@RadioFreeAsia @song_eleanor For Xi and his allies, Mao was a useful historical figure to justify their political ambitions.

For millions of young Chinese, however, Mao is a symbol of a revolution and class struggle that remains unfinished. nationalinterest.org/feature/mao%E2…
All this may explain why, in recent years, Xi has begun toning down pro-Mao rhetoric and instead boosting Confucius, China’s civilizational voice of hierarchical submission to authority. economist.com/china/2015/07/…
The "Mao-for-Confucius" swap serves the interests of political elites like Xi, who now need the people to settle down, learn their place, and trust the Party.

Therein lies Xi’s political conundrum. He cannot be a revolutionary like Mao.
The CCP is no longer an insurgent organization. It is the sole proprietor of political power in China and is thus in the business of self-preservation.
Thus far, stoking nationalism has worked well enough for the Party, but if the Chinese people begin to demand more from their government, all bets are off.

Xi will forestall that day for as long as he can. nationalinterest.org/feature/mao%E2…

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More from @michaelsobolik

14 Sep
🇹🇼🇹🇼🇹🇼🇹🇼🇹🇼🇹🇼🇹🇼🇹🇼🇹🇼

Upgrading TECRO's name to include "Taiwan" isn't the threat many fear it to be -- nor is it the strategic win others hope it could be.

🧵 1/x
Per @Dimi @FT, the Biden Administration is actively considering this step - specifically, changing the name of Taiwan's de facto embassy from “Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office” to “Taiwan Representative Office." 2/x ft.com/content/07810e…
This change is significant for two reasons: the removal of "economic & cultural," and the substitution of "Taiwan" for "Taipei."

3/x
Read 32 tweets
1 Sep
In 2018, 🇺🇸 got serious about 🇨🇳 influence campaigns in America - particularly in our universities.

But Beijing has begun pushing back, in ways policymakers have yet to address. @Joshua_Eisenman & I explain in @ForeignPolicy.

🧵1/x foreignpolicy.com/2021/08/31/chi…
For the past three years, Congress has had a three-part response to CCP influence campaigns:

(1) singling out complicit institutions

See UT-Austin and the LBJ School's attempt to take $$ from CCP-backed China-US Exchange Foundation $2 million

2/x washingtonpost.com/opinions/globa…
(2) leveraging federal funds

See 2019 NDAA provision that pressured colleges w/ DOD-funded foreign language programs to shutter their Confucius Institutes.

3/x washingtonpost.com/news/josh-rogi…
Read 10 tweets

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