2/ March Budget saw biggest tax rises in 25 yrs + the Tories ended up getting a poll bump from it (albeit there was no manifesto breach). Public are receptive to a government willing to make tough choices, particularly given Covid has heightened their concern re: public finances
3/ Evidence suggests the public quite strongly support the idea of a NICs rise to pay for social care / NHS. See this from @benatipsosmori
4/ But stakes are obviously v high (there’s a reason personal tax rises don’t happen very often). This type of move could easily backfire + there is high potential for a u turn. Loser in that scenario would be NHS / social care which would likely end up with less funding.
5/ Alternative option is income tax rise. Haven't seen recent polling on this + willing to change my view if it turns out public is equally supportive of an income tax rise. But my hunch is they aren't.
6/ Part of that is historic. NICs have risen regularly over recent decades, under both Tory and Labour Chancellors - and often with an explicit link to the NHS. No Chancellor has raised the basic rate of income tax for half a century.
7/ But part of it is just maths. Using income tax would mean a much bigger direct hit to households because employers don't pay it. To raise £10b, you need to put income tax up 2p; NICs only 1p. For the average taxpayer the diff is the best part of a couple of hundred quid a year
(And yes impact of the employer NICs rise would feed through in wages / prices / jobs - but people don't see that immediately in their pay slips)
8/ Inter-generational point (over 66s don't pay NICs) is clearly an issue from both a political and policy perspective. Any package hopefully will look to address this either directly (e.g. extend NICs to over 66s) or indirectly (e.g. scrap triple lock for this year).
9/ But we shouldn't overplay it. Half of the adult social care budget is spent on under 65s and that group will benefit from funding to clear NHS backlog.
Plus young people themselves support a NICs rise to pay for NHS / social care
Bottom line: the politics will likely always mean that tax rises, particularly personal ones, are imperfect from a policy perspective. Risk is we let the great be the enemy of the good - result of which would be less money for NHS + social care /ends
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Good news: the Chancellor will never see a worse month than April (bookmark this). Minus 20% is about x10 worse than the worst quarter in the GFC. Only way is up. But clearly huge challenges for Rishi Sunak as he works on HMG's recovery plans due to be set out in July (THREAD)
HMT view will be this isn’t a one shot game. Not all support needs to/should be unleashed asap. Big uncertainty as to path of recovery, needs an agile response. July “moment” best seen as the start w/ autumn Budget/SR also crucial, esp since tax measures likely to wait until then
Recovery package needs to do two things. Immediate task – and the priority – is to try to restore economy to as close to full potential as possible. But also need an eye on how to support the economy as it restructures longer-term. Should focus on 4 areas...
6 weeks ago there was optimism econ could bounce back quickly post-lockdown. Reality is now that next phase will be “new normal” of learning to live with Covid until a long-term exit (eg vaccine, comprehensive test + trace). Clearly has big implications for econ response (THREAD)
Challenge is how we get the economy from where we are now (operating maybe at 2/3rd normal levels) to as close to full capacity as possible while keeping people safe, until that long-term exit is achieved.
Econ impact will be determined by interaction b/w: 1/ timing + phasing of ending lockdown; 2/ continued restrictions we need to live with; and 3/ nature of ongoing HMG support. Lots of focus on first 2, but 3 will be absolutely crucial to how successfully we manage the next phase
If the Tories win,HMT is going to have a real job managing expectations ahead of Budget. By historic standards there is v little headroom against the new fiscal rules: 5b a year against c700b current spending. Hammond left office with 27b of headroom against his deficit target 1/
This could easily be wiped out if the OBR downgrade their forcecast for the economy/public finances. HMT will therefore want to build up a much bigger buffer to guard against future forecast moves / unexpected spending pressures. That means raising some tax at some point 2/
Even the manifesto raised more tax than it cut, but they will prob have to go further. And all political logic points to doing it in the first Budget of a new parl: get the politically difficult stuff done while MP discipline remains high and next GE is still a long way off 3/